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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION

This book is an enquiry into the origin and development of Hua-yen Buddhism in China, especially during the Tang and pre-Tang period. The purpose of this research work is threefold. Firstly, we have made an attempt to clarify the extent and the nature of the contributions made by various patriarchs to the development of this important East Asian tradition of Buddhism. Secondly, by taking the various patriarchs (especially the first five) as examples thereof, we have evaluated critically the process by which Indian Buddhism was transformed into a Chinese religion. Thirdly, by using the sinification of Buddhism itself as an example, we have made an attempt to find answers to the theoretical questions of how and why conceptual change occurs in the development of religious traditions. The Hua-yen sūtra (known as the Avata.msaka sūtra in Sanskrit) is the basic text of the Hua-yen School. In this chapter, we have dwelt on the date and stratigraphy of this text. An attempt has also been made to place the different portion of this text into historical and chronological context. A significant portion of this chapter also concentrates on the background relating to the events from the time of its discovery to the coming into existence of different manuscripts of the text and the variations that exist between them. Thereafter, we shall critically analyze the efforts made in the collection of the relevant material in this regard as well as its interpretation. The scope and limitations of the work under consideration shall also be dealt within this chapter. The last portion of this chapter deals with an assessment of the available sources of biographical information about the Hua-yen School of Buddhism.

Several traditions of Buddhist thoughts and practices were witnessed by the Sui and early Tang dynasties that had neither the equivalents nor institutional antecedents in the‘Western Regions.’In its own way, each of Hua-yen, Tian-tai, Ching-tu, and Chan was a product of a truly novel interpretation and understanding of Buddhism which was first clearly achieved during the decades between the An Lu-shan rebellion of 755 and reunification of the country in 589. There was clearly a sharp and distinguished difference between these traditions and the Chinese Buddhism of pre-Sui period. For instance, the sixth century Buddhas and Bodhisattvas of Lung-men, in their lofty and hieratic serenity, stand in marked contrast to the robust and earthly figures depicted in the preceding century. The earlier Chinese Buddhism which carried the legacy of rapt imitation of Indian forms of Buddhism or of outdated, suffered from various fundamental weaknesses and mostly from incomplete understanding of that foreign religion, These new traditions were at once authentically Chinese yet genuinely Buddhist. There is no doubt that the ascendant phase of the Chinese Buddhism had to wait upon the social, economic, religious, and political changes that followed the mid-Tang period. In any case, the fundamental conceptual changes of the more mature sinification were first devised by those sixth and seventh century thinkers who were to be canonized as‘patriarchs’of Chinese Buddhism. Patriarchal lineage and associated concern is one aspect of a sectarian consciousness that did not emerge in Chinese Buddhism till about the beginning of the ninth century. It was only after this that each of the traditions felt the need, in the words of Philip Yampolsky,“to establish a history for itself.”[1] It is the creation of one impressive display of such conceptual instruments, the doctrines of early Hua-yen, that we propose to investigate amongst others in the following pages.

The origin and development of Hua-yen Buddhism may best be understood as an instance of conceptual change within a religious tradition. The empirical as well as theoretical issues surrounding the phenomena of conceptual change have drawn the attention of scholars at least since Vico (1668-1744) in the West and Ku Yen-wu (顧炎武) (1613-82) and Huang Tsung-hsi (黃字義) (1610-95) in the Orient. These three scholars focussed primarily on the historical aspect of the issue. For instance, Huang Tsung-hsi pointed out that scholars“should also be required to study history, so that they may know how circumstances change with the times and thus avoid being dogmatic.”[2] Similarly, Ku Yen-wu laments that Ming Neo-Confucians (新儒家),“set aside broad knowledge and concentrated upon the search for a single, all inclusive method.”[3]. Though so far a general theory by which phenomena can be understood has not been propounded, the enquiry has been more clearly put forth by contemporary thinkers as to how and under what conditions does a new set of concepts take the place of another set of fundamental concepts which have governed a certain tradition for some period of time.[4] It may be pointed out here[5] that this enquiry can be put at rest by focusing primarily on the crucial role played by two religious thinkers, Tu-shun and Chih-yen. While doing so, we have made an effort to identify the roots of these two patriarchs in the earlier traditions of Buddhism and the setting forth of several early Hua-yen teachings as representative examples of the creative use to which these two patriarchs put this heritage.

However, even when we have pin pointed some of the issues at hand, it does not necessarily make our task easy. Our topic is still limited by a number of increasingly narrowly focused questions. To what extent were the conceptual innovations of the patriarchs (especially the first two) the response of a Chinese mind to an Indian tradition? Further, to what extent were the response of early Tang Buddhism the prevailing trends in both the popular form and the philosophical level of Buddhism of China? Furthermore, to what extent these trends were the brainchildren of the geniuses of the times? It also needs to be clarified that no justice can be done to the topic without a close scrutiny of the lives and works of the patriarchs (especially first five) of Hua-yen Buddhism. This is not necessarily an easy task, though, as the sources are few and much worse written in the shape of complicated legends. In other words, it is not an easy task to separate the facts from myths. The style of the writings of most of these patriarchs is also very difficult to understand and thus, so easy to use them for the work that we have at hand. The shortage of commentarial literature is another added woe for such a work. However, on the positive side excellent works such as Discernment of the Dharma-dhātu of the Avata.msaka (Hua-yen fa-chieh-kuan-men) which is treated as a fundamental text of the whole tradition. This brief, but profound meditation is, among other things, a masterful essence of that process of religious conceptual change which was issued in early Hua-yen doctrine.[6] In less than 3,000 characters, this text depicts very clearly the transition from an initial statement of certain fundamental concepts of Indian Buddhism, through an intermediate revaluation and redefinition of them, to a culminating exposition of quite novel Chinese teachings.

A. The Origin of Hua-yen sūtra.

1. The Fundamental Meaning of Dharma-cakra

All the Buddhist schools declare that they have inherited the authentic doctrine of the Śākyamuni. In order to prove this claim, each school appeals to its own separate text or scripture as the fundamental doctrine, and each school establishes its teaching with unique features. The teaching of the Hua-yen, the Mahāyāna thought of Avata.msaka, was disseminated and developed by Nāgārjuna, Vasubandbu and Aśvagho.sa in India, and it has undergone many changes with the passage of time. As a result, numerous variations developed in the teaching. Furthermore, the development and completion of Hua-yen School's system of teaching took place in China from the sixth dynasty (C.386-518 A.D.) to the heyday of Chinese Buddhism during the Sue and Tang Dynasties (C.581-906 A.D.). During this period of over 500 years, numerous learned Masters took Hua-yen sūtra as their major subject of study as well as of practice, and established the Hua-yen School successfully along with its doctrine.

The Enlightenment of the Buddha, without speaking out (i.e., in silence) is the unfolding of the fundamental. Nowadays, we try to grasp the Buddha's teaching through the Tripi.taka, the connotation of which reflects the Enlightenment that the Buddha had attained. The first step for the study of Hua-yen is to understand the structure and system of the Hua-yen sūtra. For the purposes of the overall understanding of the Hua-yen sūtra itself, its text, translation, Commentary and Sub-commentary are all required.

We try to approach the state of the Buddha's Enlightenment through the sūtra that we have been studying. According to the Daśabhūmi translated by Śiladharma (C.753-790 A.D.), the Buddha taught the Hua-yen sūtra on the second seventh day after his Enlightenment. Vasubandbu had also expressed the same opinion in his Daśabhūmika śāstra (十地經論)[7]. The teaching of this text forms the unique condition of the Buddha's Enlightenment. Original Enlightenment displays the highest meaning and principle of the Hua-yen sūtra. The Hua-yen sūtra comprises the truth that can apply not only to the present but also the past and the future. The truth of Dharma-dhātu keeps unfolding itself, that is, the Dharmaparyāya keeps displaying the Dharma without speaking out.

In the Hua-yen sūtra, without preaching Dharma by himself, the Buddha emits the light to transmit power and strength to the Bodhisattvas, who will admire the Buddha's Enlightenment and expand such a meaningful Enlightenment. The places for teaching sometimes were located above the earthly world, and this implies progress toward the Buddhahood. Indeed, the infinite truth is all over the Dharma-dhātu. Any possible feature of the truth may be revealed anywhere and everywhere.

The content and the protagonist Bodhisattvas are as follows:

Assembly
Protagonist Bodhisattva
Content of Assembly

The first assembly
Sāmantabhadra
Tathāgata śāsana Tathāgata Teaching

The second assembly
Mañjuśrī
Daśa śraddhā Dharma-paryāya (The way to ten beliefs)

The third assembly
Dharma-mati
Daśa sthitvā Dharma-paryāya (The way to ten abodes)

The fourth assembly
Gu.na-vanasanda
Daśa caryā Dharma-paryāya (The way to ten practices)

The fifth assembly
Vajra-dhvaju
Daśa parī.nāma Dharma-paryāya (The way to ten dedications)

The sixth assembly
Vajra-garbha
Daśabhūmi Dharma-paryāya (The way to ten stages of becoming Bodhisattvas)

The seventh assembly
Tathāgata
The equal Enlightenment (Samyaksambodhi)
The wonderful Enlightenment

The eighth assembly
Sāmantabhadra
Two thousand ways to practice

The ninth assembly
Tathāgata and spiritual friends
Phala Dharma-dhātu

Such a teaching without speaking out was to display the inner self-awareness of the Buddha. It was supposed that there would be a response from the audience who could comprehend the mind of the Buddha. Mañjuśrī and Sāmantabhadra then came into the scene. The appearance of these two leading Bodhisattvas was expounded by Cheng-kuan in Harmonious discernment of three sages(三聖圓融觀)[8]. According to Cheng-kuan, Mañjuśrī and Sāmantabhadra were in the same position to help expand the Buddha's Teaching. In a harmonious state, both of them were the concrete explanations of the Buddha's virtue. Mañjuśrī demonstrated the Buddha's teaching in terms of wisdom, while Sāmantabhadra did so through practice.

In the Hua-yen sūtra, there were numerous groups of Bodhisattvas, and the chapter of the Ganda-vyūha mentioned five hundred śrāvakas[9]. According to the Ganda-vyūha, śrāvakas and Pratyeka-Buddhas were the audience of inferior root. During the ninth assembly, in a magnificent pavilion of Jeta Grove (Jetavana), the response of śrāvakas and Pratyeka-Buddhas were like the“dumb and deaf”. Namely, they neither recognized Rocana-kāya with their eyes, nor did they hear the complete and sudden teaching with their ears. From this point of view, we can see that the Hua-yen teaching is profound and abstruse, which is hard for śrāvakas and Pratyeka-Buddhas to understand.

2. The Inquiry as to who Expounds the sūtra.

The Śākyamuni is viewed as the founder of Buddhism. However, every Buddhist school has its own founder due to its different perception of the Buddhakāya. The leader of Pada.m-garbha-loka-dhātu is Vairocana. According to the Hua-yen sūtra, the formation of Pada.m-garbha-loka-dhātu results from Vairocana's efforts on Bodhisattva practices in the past. By virtue of the Bodhisattva caryā, Vairocana accomplished a pure and magnificent world. The eighth volume[10] of the Hua-yen sūtra is devoted to the elaboration on the formation and structure of Pada.m-garbha-loka-dhātu.

The Buddha has three kāyas; kāya meaning“assemblage, gathering or body”.

(1) The assemblage of principles is named Dharmakāya, which means to eliminate the affection and hindrance, and to accumulate all good (kuśala) Dharma. In order to display the essential characteristic of the reality bhūtatathatā, of which the principles are of no distinction, eternal and tranquil, the Tathāgata-garbha manifests itself.

(2) The assemblage of Prajñā is named sambhoga kāya. It is the body of bliss and enjoyment, the rewarding body based on the good deeds as the causes.

(3) The assemblage of merits is named nirmā.na-kāya, which is the various incarnations in response to different propensities of sentient beings. In the Suvar.naprabhāsottama sūtra[11], the chapter on Distinction of Three Kāyas, it is said that the Tathāgata dedicated the Bodhisattva caryā to all the sentient beings and accomplished the practice of Bodhisattva well. Due to his efforts and practice, the Tathāgata is free to manifest himself in various incarnations. It is named the body of transformation, which has Thirty-two marks and eighty signs. The Tathāgata also can turn himself into the form of a human being, deva, dragon, asura, ghost or animal.

Three kāya Three Virtues | Dharmaskāya | Dharma virtue | Pure land of eternally calm illumination, Pure Dharma-dhātu kāya
| Sambhoga kāya | Prajñā virtue | Sublime land of rewarding bliss Numerous marks of respectful kāya
| Nirmā.na-kāya | Vimukti | Mundane and holy land, thirty-two transformations

Pure Dharma kāya, Vairocana, means all-pervading lights, illuminating everywhere. In the Hua-yen sūtra translated during the Jin dynasty, vol.II[12],“Rocana Buddha (盧舍那佛)”, it is said that Vairocana attains Enlightenment by accomplishing infinite merits in the past numerous kalpās. The abode of Vairocana is Pada.m-garbha-loka-dhātu, the sambhoga kāya pure land. Vairocana emits immense light, radiating ten directions. Clouds come out of the pores of Vairocana and transform into infinite oceans of sūtras. According to “The phonetics and meaning of all sūtras” vol.12, vai means‘all kinds of’, and Vairocana means‘all kinds of lights illuminating everywhere’, which implies that the Prajñā body of the Buddha emits the various light of wisdom to all sentient beings. The word Rocana means illuminating with light; the Prajñā body of the Buddha radiates non-obstructed brightness to pervade non-obstructed Dharma-dhātu of principle and phenomena. This is to symbolize the wisdom of the Buddha is immense, and the Buddha attains Enlightenment by the long time practice and merits through immeasurable kalpās.

Rocana is a pure and perfect rewarding body without any defilement. Rocana with ten kāyas, means all virtues are fully realized through the past, the present and the future. The rewarding body has two aspects. To illuminate Dharma-dhātu with the light of inner wisdom is named the self-rewarding body. To illuminate the world with the outward light is named the other rewarding body.

The Śākyamuni with billions of transformations is kind and quiescent. Because of quiescence, he is free from the abiding of birth and death. Because of kindness, he is not staying in Nirvā.na. Śākyamuni benefits all sentient beings by preaching Dharma according to various inclinations and propensities of sentient beings.

Volume I of the Hua-yen biographies (華嚴經傳記) and anecdotes[13] mentions that the Hua-yen sūtra was expounded by Sāmantabhadra and other Bodhisattvas, on whom Vairocana conferred his strength when Vairocana was immersed in the Ocean Seal Samādhi in Padam-garbha Lokādhātu. Vairocana displayed Dharma by showing the perfect rewarding body with illuminating light and transmitting the power to all the Bodhisattvas in assembly. Every word, meaning, chapter, assembly relating to the Hua-yen sūtra pervades in ten directions cosmic, Dharma-dhātu, every dust particle, hair-tip, and land, is penetrating all over the Indra-net world, and all kalpās of the past and future. Any single thought of Sāmantabhadra and other Bodhisattvas can pass unto countless kalpās. They always expound Dharma without indolence, upholding infinite power of dhāra.nī, which is beyond description. This is the perfection of Dharma-cakra and the admiration of Dharma-dhātu. The locations for expounding the Hua-yen sūtra are placed in the earthly as well as heavenly world. The locations of nine assemblies can be equally viewed as from all cosmic. The second seventh day can cover numerous ages. The origin is not separated from the trace. The trace is not separated from the origin and the trace is no different from the origin. The infinite is the finite; the finite is the infinite.

3. From the Title of the sūtra to its Deciphering.

The complete Chinese title of the Avata.msaka sūtra is Da-fang-guang-fo-Hua-yen-ching, literally meaning Great (Da) vast (fang) immense (guang) Buddha (fo) flower (Hua) glorifying (yen) sūtra (ching). Fo (Buddha) Hua yen is the one who achieves the realization of boundless Dharma-dhātu. Fo (Buddha) is the one who has attained Enlightenment, and Dharma is what has been realized by the enlightened one. The excellent and wonderful domain of Dharma is indescribable. Nevertheless, the adjectives such as great, vast, and immense try to describe the essence, phenomena and function of Dharma. To accomplish myriad virtues is to prepare the fruition of Buddhahood.

The myriad practices of Bodhisattva path, acting as the causes, can glorify and adorn the myriad virtues of the great Buddha. Hua (flower) Yen (adornement) is a simile to the myriad practices. In the Hua-yen sūtra, there are clear descriptions of the levels and progressive characteristics of Bodhisattvas in the course of Bodhisattva-path. In the chapter on Entry into the Dharma-dhātu, during his journey on a visit to fifty-three spiritual benefactors, Sudhana tries to realize the practice of Bodhisattva path. The fruition of Buddhahood is exemplified by Bodhisattva's cultivation toward the path. From the initial vow of following the path to the attainment of Buddhahood, the Hua-yen sūtra is the guide of life and precious directory for the followers of Hua-yen Teaching.

In Tan-hsuan-chi[14], the Commentary on Buddhadra's sixty volumes translation of the Avata.msaka sūtra, Fa-tsang (C.643-712 A.D.) lists ten further interpretations for Da, Fang, Guang and Hua. Da (great) refers to great domain, great mind, great practice, great position, great cause, great result, great essence, great phenomena, great function, great teaching. profound teaching, all-including teaching, wide benefitting, sweeping all hindrances, infinite virtue, excellent cultivation, various expedience, and marvelous outcome. Hua (flower) describes the virtue from myriad practices, which is wonderful, blooming, righteous, fragrant, pleasant, bright and clean, glorifying, well-finished, leading to Buddhahood, and without defilement.

Da (great) implies that Dharma is great in essence, and everything is under the domain of Dharma. Da also implies that Dharma is great in function, which aims to define a rules for the purposes of discipline. As far as Dharma is concerned, it is the right method without evil nature; it is the correct method to remove hindrances and it is the cure and remedy to fill all space. Dharma pervades everywhere; its essence elucidates the function, and it's function elucidates the essence. Everything, all places, all time, all methods, all people, are pervaded by Dharma, like in the Śakrādevānama-Indra net. Greatness is the essence of mind, throughout all space and Dharma-dhātu, including the past, present and future, and all over ten directions. Greatness as such has no limit. Fang (vastness) is the phenomena of the mind, which is also immeasurable.

Da (great) fang (vast) guang (immense) is the realized Dharma, and fo (the Buddha) is the one who can realize the Path. Da fang guang fo is the one who realizes the Da fang guang Path. Hua-yen is the simile. Hua (flower) means that fo (the Buddha) cultivates myriad practices as the causes, like pure, bright and wondrous flowers. In other words, the use of Hua as a simile means to foster virtues. fo (the Buddha) in turn applies such virtues to beautify the results of Buddhahood. The myriad virtues the Buddha has completed in the resultant stage are also like the pure, bright and wondrous flowers. The Buddha glorifies the Dharmakāya with myriad virtues and is thus called Hua-yen.

The Hua-yen sūtra pervades the past, present, and future. Rocana with ten kāyas shows the perfect features of a rewarding body. Rocana illumines and empowers all Bodhisattvas, expounding profound truth. All Bodhisattvas sustained by the Buddha's power expound Dharma as well. It will engender infinite merits and gain infinite benefits to recite and hear the Hua-yen sūtra, can stay away from defilement.

B. The Transmission and Translation of the Hua-yen sūtra

1. The Process of Transmission and Translation

a. The Legend of Nāgārjuna and the Hua-yen sūtra

Nāgārjuna (C.150-250 A.D.), the founder of the Mādhyamika School, was born in a Brāhma.na family of southern India. He was very talented and well-versed in the four Vedas. He was also good at astronomy, geography, esoteric teaching and magic spells amongst many other things. To satisfy his curiosity, Nāgārjuna with three close friends sneaked into the royal palace by making themselves invisible to violate the women in the palace. His three friends got caught and were executed by the King, however Nāgārjuna managed to escape. As a result of this incident, Nāgārjuna realized that lust and desire were the origin of suffering. He went to pay homage to the Buddha's stūpa and become a bhikkhu. He studied the whole of Tripi.taka, but felt unsatisfied with his own efforts. Thereafter Nāgārjuna went to the Himālaya Mountains and met an old bhikkhu, who taught him the Mahāyāna sūtras. Although Nāgārjuna understood the meaning of Mahāyāna sūtras, he did not know the spiritual benefit of these sūtras. Nāgārjuna was proud of himself as he had philosophically defeated the heretics. He became arrogant and established his own precepts. There was Mahānāga Bodhisattva, who felt pity for him, took him to nāga mansion and gave him more Mahāyāna sūtras to study. Nāgārjuna devoted himself to the Mahāyāna teachings. He went to southern India, wherein the ruling king, was a brāhma.na and hostile to Buddhism. Nāgārjuna expounded Dharma there and converted the king to Buddhism.

Nāgārjuna preached Dharma more diligently afterwards. He wrote numerous śāstras to interpret sūtras and set up the system of Mahāyāna teaching. He expanded the thought of prajñā and Śūnyatā all over India. The works of Nāgārjuna include, the Mādhyamaka śāstra, the Dvādaśamukha śāstra, the Śūnyatāasaptatikārika-nāma, a Bhavāsa^mkranti śāstra, the Daśabhūmi-vibhaśa śāstra, the Mahāyānavimsika, the Dharma-uhatn-stotra, the Pratītyasamutpādah.ridayavyakhyāna, the Ekaślōka śāstra, treatises on the materials for Bodhi etc.

Nāgārjuna was called the Master of a thousand śāstras. His Mādhyamaka śāstra had great influence on the development of śūnyatā thought. Nāgārjuna was viewed as the founder of Mādhyamika School, the thirteenth heir to the Tripi.taka Custodianship and the original founder of eight schools of Chinese Buddhism. The story of Nāgārjuna has been mentioned in the Buddhist records of the western world (Si-yu-ki), biography of Nāgārjuna[15], and Index of Buddhist sūtras of Tang dynasty (Fa-yun-ju-lin). The Hua-yen sūtra was brought from the nāga mansion by Nāgārjuna, as far as the Hua-yen School is concerned, he then was regarded as the first Master in India.

b. The Nāga Mansion

An important question that needs to be answered is the legend regarding the sūtra being kept in the nāga mansion secretly. Nāga mansion is the abode of nāga king or nāga god. According to the chapter on inviting the Buddha of the Sāgaranāga-rāja-pa.rīprcchā[16], Sāgaranāga rāja (king) had been to the Spiritual Culture Peak to listen to the Buddha's teaching. Sāgaranāga rāja felt fully confident and satisfied with the teaching. This nāga king wanted to invite the Buddha and serve him in the nāga mansion built up by the magic power of the nāga king. This king also vowed to keep watch on the storage of sūtras and be the protecting guard of Dharma. In this ancient Indian legend, nāga is the semi-god who has human face with serpent body. Nāga and Vāsuki, who lived in Pātāla (undersea dragon palace), were the leaders in Pātāla. The serpent that keeps treasure and fortune in India is named nāga, that is, cobra (also translated as dragon). According to Dīrghāgama[17], there is sāgara nagara nāgarāja mansion under the sea. According to the Mahāsannipāta sūtra[18], in the world, numerous nāga kings protect the earth, water, wind, trees, flowers, fruits, are named hosts of the world. According to the chapter on Animals (tirya.nk) in the Saddharma-sm.rīti-upasthāna sūtra[19], there was a city of play and joy, wherein lived two nāga kings. The protector of the world is called Dharmacārya nāgarāja; the destroyer of the world is called non-dharmācārya nāgarāja.

c. Who Compiled the sūtra?

According to Tan-hsuan-chi, Mañjuśrī uses the expression“Thus have I heard”in the Mahāprajñāpāramitā śāstra. The Mahāprajñāpāramitā śāstra[20] mentions that Mañjuśrī and Ānada compiled the Mahāyāna sūtras. According to him, Mañjuśrī was still alive, so he was supposed to hand down the sūtras. As the Mahāprajñāpāramitā śāstra mentions, all the Mahāyāna sūtras were compiled by Mañjuśrī too. After the Parinirvā.na of the Buddha, all sages stayed recluses, and the heresy became widespread. There were few people with Mahāyāna roots. The Hua-yen sūtra had remained under cover for six hundred years. It was up to Nāgārjuna to propagate the sūtra. According to the Hua-yen sūtra legend and Biography[21], the corpus of the Hua-yen sūtra originally had three portions when Mahānāga Bodhisattva showed it to Nāgārjuna in the nāga mansion. The verses of the first part were as numerous as the dust particles of thirteen thousand great universes and four continents. The middle part had 498,800 verses, including 1,200 chapters. The third part had 100,000 verses spaning 48 chapters. Regarding the first and the middle parts of the sūtra, the quantities were too large to hand down, and the content was too hard to understand by ordinary people. So far, those parts of the sūtra stayed under cover. Nāgārjuna only took the third part i.e, 100,000 verses from nāga mansion and widely propagated it around India. Nāgārjuna wrote Daśabhūmi-vibhaśa śāstra[22] as partial commentaries on the sūtra. The longest version we have today is the eighty volumes of the Hua-yen sūtra, translated in Tang dynasty (C.695 A.D.) and patronized by Empress Wu. This version of the Hua-yen sūtra comprises only 45,000 verses of the third part. Where are the first and middle parts of the whole corpus, and the other 55,000 verses of the third part? Are they still kept in the nāga mansion? It will depend on our effort to discover, or we will keep waiting for Mahānāga Bodhisattva to take us to search for it throughout the nāga mansion.

2. The Transmission and Translation of Hua-yen sixty volumes

Part of the Hua-yen sūtra in Sanakrit originally was kept in Chukupa, which was not very far from Khotana. Chukupa was the ancient country located in the southeast of Yārkand city in the present Shin Jiang province of China. Chukupa is mentioned in the Records of Loyang Sa.nghārāma[23] and was also known as Karghlik in the Buddhist Records of western world (Si-yu-ki). Chukupa was the only Mahāyāna country in the west. According to Si-yu-ki[24], the geographical site of Chukupa, a terrain of about one thousand miles in width and length, was strategically important. Chukupa was very populous and its people were valiant, very impolite and little educated, but generous in giving alms. They were serious devotees of the Three Treasures. Chukupa King highly valued Mahāyāna, and diligently followed the Path. Chukupa sa.mgha focused on the Mahāyāna doctrine. The population of sajgha was nearly one thousand. Anyone from outside the Chukupa sa.mgha, had to be challenged with the Mahāyāna doctrine while entering into Chukupa. A lot of Mahāyāna sūtras were well stored and protected in the palace or caves generation after generation by national law.

The Chukupa King treated the Hua-yen sūtra as national treasure, and kept it in a cave for the purposes of its safety. A highly respected Chinese monk Chih Fa-ling of East Jing dynasty, who was the follower of Huei-yuan in Mt. Lu, vowed to disseminate the Mahāyāna teaching. Chih-Fa-ling heard that most of the Mahāyāna sūtras were kept in Chupuka. In C.392 A.D., Chih-Fa-ling along with his companion Fa-jing traveled to the west. The king of Chupuka admired his courage, and let him carry the Hua-yen sūtra in 36,000 verses back to China. The Sanakrit text of the Hua-yen sūtra was translated by Buddhabhadra in C.418 A.D.

As Biographies of eminent monks (Kau-sheng-chuan) shows, Buddhabhadra (C.359-429 A.D.) was from Śākya clan, the offspring of Am.ritōdana who was the younger uncle of Śākyamuni, in Kapilavastu of Northern India. Buddhabhadra became a bhikkhu at the age of seventeen. With his friend Sa.mghadatta, he learned dhyāna from Buddhasena in Karpiśaya (Kashmīr). He also specialized in the Vinaya. Under the invitation of East Jin dynasty monk Chih-yen, (C.350-427A.D.) Buddhabhadra came to Chang-an in C.408 A.D. and taught Ch'an meditation there. Buddhabhadra did not get along well with the group of Kumārajīva there, so he left Chang-an for the south. He stayed with Huei-yuan in Mt. Lu for several years, and translated the Dharmatārā Dhyāna sūtra. In C.415 A.D., Buddhabhadra collaborated with Fa-Hsien in translating the Mahāsa.mgha Vinaya and the Mahāparinirvā.na sūtra. Buddhabhadra finished translating the Hua-yen sūtra in sixty volumes in C.420 A.D., and he passed away at the age of seventy-one in C.429 A.D. He was named as Indu Ch'an Master, also became known as one of the eighteen sages of Mt. Lu.

3. The Transmission and Translation of Hua-yen eighty volumes

Queen Wu (C.690-704 A.D.) of Tang dynasty patronized the translation of Buddhist sūtra. She heard that there was a complete set of Hua-yen sūtra in Khotana. She sent missionary to ask for the sūtra and invited translator Sik.sānanda (C.652-710 A.D.) to Loyang. Initially, the sūtra was translated at great Pein-kuang temple of Loyang in C. 695 A.D. Queen Wu wrote the preface and gave titles. Bodhiruci from southern India and Chinese monk I-Jing were the co-translators, who recited the sūtra in Sanakrit together. Fu-li and Fa-Tsang polished the texts in Chinese at the Fo-sou-chi temple in C.699 A.D.

The translator Sik.sānanda was from Khotana, adept in the studies of Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna. In addition to Hua-yen sūtra, he translated La^nkāvatāra sūtra and Mañjuśrī Buddhahood Prophesy sūtra. Sik.sānanda had kept working for ten years in China and went back to Khotana in C.704 A.D. The Emperor of Tang dynasty greeted him on the suburban when Sik.sānanda came to China again in C.708 A.D. Two years later, Sik.sānanda was sick and passed away in China at the age of fifty-nine. After cremation, the fire could not burn his tongue. His disciples brought his relics back to Khotana and kept in the newly built stūpa. In memory of his contribution, another seven-story stūpa was built in the place of his cremation in China, named Hua-yen Tripi.taka sūtra.

Most of the Mahāyāna sūtras were transmitted through Khotan to China. China and Khotan remained close in diplomatic relationship. Khotan was the ancient country in the west of Shin Jiang province, also known as Gostana in the third century, located on the communication line of trade and culture between China and the west. As Si-yu-ki shows[25], most of the area in Khotan was desert. This country is abounded in minerals and plants with nice and warm climate. The people of Khotan were gentle and polite, highly admired Mahāyāna teaching. At first, Khotana people adopted the Hīnayāna teaching. Gradually, the Mahāyāna teaching became popular in the fifth century. Most sūtras were transmitted through Khotan to China. For example, in West Jin dynasty (C.265-317 A.D.), prajñāpāramitrā sūtra was brought by Gītamitra in C.286 A.D. and Mahāparinirvā.na sūtra by Dharmarak.sa (C.385-433 A.D.) in the Northern Liang dynasty (C.397-439 A.D.). Jiuchiu Chien-shen (C.464 A.D. and before), from the Hun clan, was the cousin of the King who found Northern Liang dynasty. He learned Sanakrit and got Dhyāna Essentials, Dhyāna Mystic Cure sūtra from Khotana. Fa-hsian (C.423-497 A.D.) got Avalokiteśvara Repentance Mantra, Gu.nabhadra (C.394-468 A.D.) brought Pravara-deva-rāja-pa.rīprcchā, and Sik.sānanda (C.652-710 A.D.) brought Hua-yen eighty in Sanakrit version from Khotan to China.

In the eleventh century, Southern Sung dynasty, Muslim sacked Khotan. After that, Buddhism shortly declined. The man-made and natural disasters destroyed the spectacular Buddhist temples and stūpas. Modern archaeologists have discovered Buddhist historical sites and documents in Khotana.

In ancient China India was called Tien-ju, located in the west of China, so the old Chinese Buddhist literature always named it Hsi-tien (West Sky). After Han dynasty (C.206B.C.-220A.D.), the region west to Yu-men Kuan all was called Hsi-yu (Western Area), where existed initially thirty-six countries, then split into fifty more countries. Yu-men Kuan is located in the southwest of Dun-huang. West to Yu-men Kuan is the area of Pamirs and Mt. Ku-luns, named Tsung-lin (Green mountain range), and is the main traffic route to the west.

4. The Transmission and Translation of Hua-yen forty volumes

The final chapter of the Hua-yen sixty and the Hua-yen eighty are the same one: “Entering into Dharma-dhātu”, which is the story about Sudhana's visit to fifty-three spiritual friends. The Hua-yen sūtra in forty volumes[26] consists of the same final chapter as the other two versions and one extra chapter, that is,“Entering into the Inconceivable Realm of Sāmantabhadra's Practice and Vow”, which does not appear in the previous two versions.

The Sanakrit version of the Hua-yen forty was originally kept in Odra of Southern India. The King of Odra wanted to pay homage to the Tang Empire, and learned that Emperor Der-Tzung (C.779-805A.D.) was a devotee of Buddhism. In C.795 A.D., the King of Odra presented this version in hand written manuscript, which was treasured very much by Der-Tzung. This Sanskrit version was rendered into Chinese by Prajñā from C.796-798A.D. at Chung-Fu Temple in capital Chang-an. The co-translators included monks Yuan-jau, Hung-tao, Jen-hsi, Tao-tung, Cheng-kuan and lay followers Hou hsien-ming, Dou wen-chang and etc.

Odra was an ancient country in eastern India, equal to the area of today's Orissa. Odra was always mistaken as Udyāna (north to Gandhāra). As recorded in the Si-yu-ki[27], the climate of Odra was warm and hot; people of Odra were tall, strong and valorous. They were devotees of Mahāyāna Buddhism and enthusiastic to study. In Odra, there existed over one hundred sa.nghārāmas; the strength of the Sa^ngha was above ten thousand. The southeast of Odra was nearby seashore, where was located the city Caritra.

The circumference of Caritra was about twenty miles, and it was the main traffic entry between the continent and sea for the travelers and merchants. The southwest of Odra was Mt. Khandagiri, facing the northern Mt.Udayagiri. Since the second century B.C., lots of caves were chiseled for meditation in the mountains, which were historical sites of Jainism and Buddhism.

The translator of the Hua-yen forty, Prajñā, was from Kapiśa (near the Kabul river), strictly self-disciplined, strong and tall. He was traveling around to Chang-an as a scholar monk. At the time of Emperor His-Tzung (C.806-820 A.D.), in C.811 A.D., Prajñā also finished translating the Contemplation of Cittabhūmi sūtra, which was previously presented to Emperor Kau-Tzung (C.658-683 A.D.) from Lanka-dvīpa.

CHAPTER 2 THE SOCIAL, ECONOMIC AND RELIGIOUS CONDITION OF CHINA IN THE PRE-TANG PERIOD

It is generally agreed amongst scholars that in order to understand the origin of any movement, the study of the socio-economic forces in that particular society immediately prior to the beginning of the religious movement, is a must. In this chapter, we have made an attempt to analyze the social, economic and religious condition at the end of the Sui and beginning of the Tang dynasties in China. On the basis of this study, we have tried to show here as to how the various forces released by the social, economic and religious milieu created circumstances for the origin of the Hua-yen School of Buddhism in China. It is important to notice that the last years of the Sui dynasty and the few years of the Tang dynasty were perhaps one of the most eventful years in the history of imperial China. Scholars have spent much energy in reconstructing the complicated social, economic and religious milieu of this period and interpreting their far-reaching and profound implications. Their diligent work has shed a great deal of light on this period which is of particular importance to the development of the Hua-yen School of Buddhism. This period becomes particularly important because of the fact that from now onwards not only Buddhism began to play crucial politico-economic role in the country, but also because Buddhist monks began to play an important role in court politics in China.

It has been proposed by historians that the late sixth and early seventh centuries of the Christian Era saw the emergence of a new kind of Buddhism in China, one distinguished from earlier Chinese and Indian varieties by the recurrence of various dominant concerns. Most of the leading personalities of Buddhism during this phase of Chinese history were particularly concerned to get Buddhism rid of the‘stigma’of its foreignness. They tried in different ways to bring into being forms of Buddhist philosophy and practice that would truly suit Chinese milieu, thereby to show that as a way of life and as a practical spiritual discipline Buddhism was as suitable to the Chinese as it was to the Indians. They had further resolved to show that these new Chinese modes of Buddhism were in no way inferior to their Indian counterparts but were, in fact, superior renditions of the Buddha's truth.[28] One noticeable examples of such concerns is the need felt keenly by many Chinese Buddhists of the sixth century, for a less remote goal of practice i.e., a more immediately available Enlightenment. Such a need seems to have arisen from the fact that the classical Indian Mahāyāna account of the Bodhisattva's path required that path to be travelled. The available records on the sixth century China provide ample evidence of the fact that such a dissatisfaction widely pervaded amongst the Buddhist masses. There are innumerable instances in the contemporary records of the expressions of dismay over the discrepancy between the promise of Mahāyāna Buddhism and the reality of life in a world full of corruption and suffering. The arduous and difficult path to Bodhisattvahood, as described in the existing texts, offered little consolation. Such a path may have been suitable for earlier Buddhists, perhaps for those who lived at the time of a Tathāgata, but as an important text of the sixth century puts it,“the capacity and the deeds of men today are no longer the same, nor are the conditions of their acceptance and comprehension.”[29] In times such as these, a salvation that had to be attained by oneself seemed to most completely out of the question. Many dedicated Buddhists were moved to hopelessness as they found the Bodhisattva's‘difficult’path impossible to attain because they felt themselves to be confined“to a world of the five corruptions, an age without a Buddha.”[30] The fact of relying on one's own power was basically viewed as nothing more than a sort of unrealistic pride...[31] Not only scholars and monastics but even common masses organized themselves into donor groups and prayed for a birth in the Western Paradise. Clearly such pious but anxious donors wished, for themselves and/or their dead relatives, some assurance of salvation and that they thought it might be purchased with the merit they acquired by their donation. It is significant, however, that the salvation they wanted was apparently deemed unavailable in their own time and place. It had to be achieved somewhere else, in the glorified realms of Maitreya's Tusita or Amitābha's Sukhāvati. In so far as this promise of happy rebirth was purchased at the expense of confidence in one's capacity for higher attainments of Dharma, it too smacked of a certain form of hopelessness. This sense of unease and anxious piety that seem to have been the salient features of sixth century Buddhism were further worsened by certain actual happenings of the day. It is in this context that Hui-ssu's regret over the decline of the Sa^ngha may be seen. The situation has been quite succinct as described by Gimello in the following words:

“The leading Buddhists of the sixth and early seventh centuries were engaged in the task of making Buddhism relevant and amenable to the Chinese and with the corollary task of proving that Chinese forms of Buddhism could be created which were, in their authenticity, equal or superior to earlier Indian forms. These tasks appeared particularly necessary in the light of the ethos of spiritual impotence prevailing in their day. This ethos was exemplified in a variety of ways- in the dismay expressed over the seeming impossibility of accomplishing the classical Bodhisattva path; in the belief that the final phase of the Dharma's decline had begun; in the conviction that the traditional institutions and practices of Buddhism, in their essential foreignness, were themselves corrupt and that they tended to corrupt the Chinese people; and in the emerging realization that many of the conceptual implications of Indian Buddhism were inimical to Chinese values and experience... This... permitted and motivated Buddhism to come to terms with the particulars of its Chinese circumstances.”

Though Buddhism of sixth century enjoyed a period of affluence under the patronage of the rulers of northern China and in Lo-yang alone, for instance, there were as many as 1,300 monasteries or temples in the early sixth century catering to a population of about half a million.[32] But this was not the case everywhere. Moreover, despite the relative prosperity, the Sa^ngha as such was having its own problems as the comments of Hui-ssu reflect the moral conditions deteriorating. This had created a kind of environment under which the state found ecclesiastical Buddhism as a burden on itself and thus there was not necessarily enough willingness on the part of the state to support the Sa^ngha.[33]. By the end of the sixth century Buddhism had been in existence in China for about 600 years. By that time its presence in China was enormous and quite multifaceted. Reflective Chinese Buddhists of that time found themselves faced with an extremely large quantity of scriptures, treatises, schools, and doctrines. Their job as faithful followers of the Buddha was doubly difficult. They had to resolve not only the apparent contradictions between different Indian ideas but also the values and sensibilities of the Chinese. They also had to discover and sort out the sheer wealth of Buddhism, not all of it necessarily‘culture-bound’to India, that these imported ideas contained. There was a vast array of doctrines to be explained and compared, many complex arguments to be deciphered, hundreds of texts to be translated and annotated. The prospect was a mind boggling challenge, but there were many who rose to the occasion.[34] At first these scholars enjoyed their newly found ability to handle Buddhism without the distorting‘aid’of Daoism or Hsuan-hsueh. They took full advantage of that ability in mastering the scriptures that had been already translated or were in the process of being translated. They also managed to master the various treatises (śāstra) of eminent scholars such as Nāgārjuna, Asa^nga(無著), Vasubandhu (世親), and Sthirmati (安慧). This was, in fact, an age of ‘schools’based on such treatises the San-lun (三論), P'i-t'an (毘曇), Chu-she, Cheng-shi (成實), She-lun (序論), and Ti-lun (諦論). All these schools were the products of long and reflective traditions. By the time each of these tradtions was established in China, it came to represent a very finely honed and critically tempered scheme of thought, a conceptually distinct‘phylum’of Buddhism. A firm grip of even one such tradition required not only great erudition but it also took a whole lifetime to master.

In a situation such as described above, an initial enthusiasm for the scholastic enterprise, gave way to a sense of futility due to the extremely high degree of difficulty. By Chih-yen's time, thus, many scholars saw the world of Buddhist learning as a vast and perplexing welter rather than an ordered cosmos. The basis of this predicament was the paradoxical fact that the great erudition of Chinese Buddhism in the sixth century became both its glory and its affliction at the same time. The affliction was brought about by the fact that there was simply too much to be learned and it was increasing in its volume every year as more and more was coming from India. Besides, there were also many inconsistencies as well as apparent contradictions among the various doctrinal systems. Thus, learning was proving for many Buddhists to be more of a burden than a liberation. Apart from the impediments it set in the way of self-confidence and maturity, the growth of Buddhist learning brought with it also an increase in sectarian obstinacy which threatened to sap the energies of the Sa^ngha. The best solution under the circumstances seemed that a radically new procedure/ procedures of study and interpretation be devised. It is this sort of atmosphere where the roots of the birth of schools such as the Hua-yen lay.

Under the Tang dynasty, which lasted for nearly three hundred years, the society became prosperous with booming economy. Political stability, with strong armed forces to defend the country, gave birth to profound culture. The powerful and unified regime of Tang Empire provided prosperity to the nation, which in turn created a great social and economic foundation for the religions. A mutually benefitial relationship existed between the regime of Tang Empire and religions. In fact, this sort of ideal cooperation between religion and the state may best be described as symbiotic relationship between the throne and the robe. Both helped each other to mutual benefit and prosperity. The imperial court not only attracted a large number of foreign monks to study in China but also provided protection to Chinese pilgrims who headed to the west for the purposes of seeking the Dharma as well as in search of the sūtras. At the same time, the imperial court also encouraged the growth and development of various forms of thinking and interpretation within Buddhism. It is, thus, quite natural that such an atmosphere led to the mushrooming of many schools of Buddhism. A situation such as this provided an ideal opportunity to Fa-tsang for establishing the Hua-yen School. As a matter of fact, it is often pointed out that Fa-tsang actually lived in the age of a unified nation to revive Buddhism[35]. Chinese Buddhism from the beginning had a close relationship with politics. The political elements were essential to the development of religion, culture and economy. Certain attributes of Chinese Buddhism appeared under the Tang regime, that is, the ideology of national identity and obligation. The Tang Empire set the rules for Buddhism, which was subject to the imperial administration. If anyone from the Sa^ngha violated the law or committed a crime, he had to accept sanctions. The Sa^ngha was under the control of the imperial court and was governed by the secular officials in the administration.

As soon as the nation was reunified under the regime of Tang Empire, there appeared an urge for the cultural unification as well. Chinese Buddhism adapted itself to the trend of cultural unification between the north and the south. A variety of new schools of Buddhism were founded based upon different sūtras, on the basis of which the doctrines of various schools developed. The classifications of Buddhist doctrines were done and applied to review the abundant Buddhist thought.

Due to the different cultural background, Northern China focused on religious belief, practice, meditation and Buddhist statue-making, while Southern China put more emphases on the exegesis, religious theories, doctrines, and philosophical Taoism. As a result of change from the splitting political situation to unification, the new political reality created a great opportunity for cultural interfusion. In the Pre-Tang period, at first, Emperor Yang (C.605-611 A.D.) of Sui dynasty had built four monasteries in the eastern capital Lo-yang, where numerous distinguished monks were invited to stay. Most of those monks were talented and well versed in the Dharma and the sūtras[36]. Moreover, due to the political reunion, the geographical barrier no longer existed. The traffic between the north and the south became more convenient. The territory for Buddhism and cultural dissemination were thereby enlarged. As a result, the Chinese Buddhist schools put equal emphases on religious practices as well as doctrines through the communication between the north and the south[37].

Although Tang Empire required the unification of Chinese Buddhism to meet its political needs, different rulers had their own priority in the religious belief or requirement. In fact, the Emperors tended to assist different Buddhist sects depending upon their own political contingencies and preferences. For example, Emperor Yang (煬帝) of Sui (隋) dynasty sponsored Master Chih-zhe (智者) of Tien-tai (天台) School, while Emperor Tai-Tzung (太宗) of Tang dynasty supported Hsuan tsang (玄奘) and Kuei Chi (窺基) to found Fa-hsiang (法相) Vijñānavāda (唯識) School. The Hua-yen School was founded by Fa-tsang and it fully developed under the patronage of Queen Wu (武后).

In the medieval China, there were four basic necessary conditions for establishing a Buddhist sect. The first was the socio-political milieu, especially the patronage and approval from the Emperor. The second was the help from the temple, which became an influential sphere for educating disciples. The third was the substantial economic power for financing Buddhist sects to continue. The fourth was the accumulation of religious and doctrinal content in regard to Buddhist thought.

The rulers of Tang Empire stressed the political and ideological control in terms of applying the teachings of Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism equally. Tang Emperors Tai-Tzung, Kau-Tzung and Queen Wu had limited religious belief in Buddhism. Instead, they used Buddhism as a means to meet their political ends. On the one hand, Empress Wu changed the situation in which Taoism was conventionally viewed as being superior to Buddhism. She also officially announced that Buddhism was ranked above Taoism, and Buddhist monks and nuns had higher social status than those of Taoism. On the other hand, like a good Buddhist she treated Taoist priests well and let them write thirty-six sets of Taoist scriptures I-chie-tao-ching (一切道經 ) in memory of her dead son Lee Hung (李弘). She even admired Taoism in an official letter as follows:“Lo Tzu has educated the uncivilized of the west; his teaching is influential and outstanding …Tao is expedient to education; Buddhism fundamentally is based on Taoism to come into existence.[38]”Queen Wu pretended to believe both in Taoism and Buddhism with the purpose of capturing the throne. Her game was to win the political support from different sides. In the Books of confucianism, there was no theoretical basis for a woman to assume the position of Empress. Moreover, some Taoist foretelling signs used as a supportive base were not of much help. As compared to this, the Buddhist sūtras provided much more substantial content for this kind of theoretical need. This obviously created a very special bond between the Queen and Buddhism. A quintessential example of the strong patronage extended to Buddhism by Queen Wu is the following extraordinary example of her magnanimous generosity. When the third Hua-yen patriarch Fa-tsang lectured Hua-yen sūtra in Tai-yuan Temple on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month, the dragon boat festival, Queen Wu sent a messenger with her letter and five kinds of gifts including clothes to Fa-tsang. She expressed her compliment in the letter as follows:“I have sent five necessities with clothes, and in terms of the magic number five of this festival, I wish you to continue the great start in your Dharma lecturing and last prosperously as long as the age of pine tree. You shall brighten the lamp of Dharma and be the leading Master forever.”[39]

In the second year of Yung-chuang (永昌) (C.690 A.D.), monks Huai-I (懷義) and Ming-Fa (明法) presented the commentaries of Grand cloud (Mahāmegha sūtra 大雲經) with foretelling message; they claimed that Queen Wu was the reincarnation of Maitreya and should be the king of Jambudvīpa. In the same year, the Empire title was changed from Tang to Chou; the year was renamed as Tien-sou (given by Heaven), plus the respected title for Queen Wu as Holy Emperor. After that, Queen Wu advocated Buddhism more than ever; and announced officially that Buddhism was ranked higher than Taoism. The historical documents show that Tang was changed into Chou through a revelation to the Empress, who sent a missionary to seek the Sanskrit sūtra in Khotana[40]. It took five years to render the Avata.msaka sūtra from Sanskrit into Chinese. This new translation became known as Hua-yen sūtra in eighty volumes, which was influential and literally provided the prophetic basis to Queen Wu for her justification. As to the predictive sign for being an Empress[41], Queen Wu wrote the preface in the Great chou newly translated Da-fang-kuang-fo-Hua-yen-Jing (大方廣佛華嚴經) as follows:“I have planted good cause in the past kalpā and conferred with the prophecy by Buddha. Golden fairy brings me the heavenly edict that the verse of the Mahāmegha sūtra is revealed. The divine sky radiates auspicious sign that the Precious rain sūtra also has mentioned previously. I have accumulated good karma for extra celebration. I attend court meeting myself with respect; so that the nation is able to remain secure. The heaven and earth all are stable; the river is clear and the ocean is peaceful. What a propitious omen! Written under the sun and moon, the text on the leaf is full of spirit. The sūtra appears on the right time passing through the desert and ocean. What a gift with deep contribution!”

In addition, Fa-tsang was ordered to lecture the sūtra at Fo So Chi Temple in Lo-yang. When Fa-tsang lectured on the chapter of Lotus treasure world (華藏世界品), the lecturing platform where Fa-tsang stood appeared to shake. Somebody reported this earth-shaking phenomenon to Queen Wu. She wrote the compliment herself to Fa-tsang like this“This is a good sign that the Tathāgata has displayed by the magic of the text written about nine assemblies of Bodhisattva Hua-yen sūtra in eighty volumes. I am too mediocre to accept such auspicious six kinds of ground shaking.”[42]In sum, Queen Wu took the chance to exaggerate it as the national omen and gave out an impression of peaceful and strong nation.

During the Tang dynasty the temples of different Buddhist sects and their Sa^nghas were dependent on the temples economic resource of various types. First, the major economic activities of the temples covered the enterprise of grain mills, commercial buildings, travel lodges, storage houses, carriage stores and a variety of industrial or commercial business. Secondly, another source that generated income for the temples was an organization, which was known as Countless Accumulation Treasury. Originally, countless treasure literally referred to the infinite virtue and merit. Based on the idea of merit field, the Buddhists ran businesses like pawning and money lending, which was named infinite treasure. The income initially was used for charity and temple construction. Gradually, it turned to be usury and became a profitable means to accumulate fortune; besides, sometimes interest rates were even raised up to twenty percent! Thirdly, the temples owned farmland ploughed by the lower social strata of monks, nuns, servants and farmers.

As early as during the North and South dynasty, the authority of the Buddhist temples began to unlawfully take hold of farmland and houses from ordinary citizens. For example, after North Wei dynasty moved its capital to Lo-yang, one third of the citizen houses were occupied by the Sa^ngha. The Sa^ngha enjoyed the privilege of tax and service exemption. Many poor people flooded into the temples to join the Sa^ngha or to work in the temple as servants. So many people became associated with the Sa^ngha in various ways that during the Northern Liang dynasty, only half of the original population was shown on the census[43].

In Tang dynasty, Hsi-ming temple and Tz-en Temple in Chang-en owned the land that was distributed on the basis of the total population of the Sa^ngha. In addition, the temple authority owned extra plantations. All kinds of living provisions were also offered by the nation.[44] Emperor Tai-Tzung (C.626-657 A.D.) built seven temples as a memorial to soldiers who died during the civil war, and gave grants of cattle, horses, and farming land to the families of these dead soldiers. The locations of the temples, in fact, were the plantations.

Emperor Kau-Tzung (C.657-682 A.D.) granted Hsi-ming temple with one hundred hectares of land, one hundred servants, fifty carriages, and two thousand bolts of cloth[45]. When Queen Wu (C.690-704 A.D.) was on power, she favored and trusted monk Huai-I. As far as the power of Huai-I reached; temples under his influence owned most of the houses and farmland.[46] During the time of Emperor Chung-Tzung (C.705-710 A.D.), relatives of royal families all were eager to manage Buddhist temples. Lots of young men shaved off their heads to become monks in order to avoid corvee, that is, labor or military service forced by the nation.[47] It was said that Fo (Buddha) owned seven to eight shares of the national fortune when it was divided into ten portions.[48] It is not hard to see that the economic authority of the Buddhist temples extended very far and they monopolized most of the economic resources during the Tang society. Thus, the Buddhist temples were economically faring extremely well and were able to provide abundant material support for the establishment of various Buddhist sects.

Under the patronage of Queen Wu, Fa-tsang was appointed the abbot of Tai-yuan temple. He also managed Chien-fu and Yuan-fa temples. All of the famous temples had substantial economic power and excellent material conditions. Those temples provided major locations for Fa-tsang to continue his career in translating the sūtra literature, cultivating disciples, and educating people. Those locations also became the fortified points for Fa-tsang to develop Hua-yen School. Emperor Chung-Tzung ordered Fa-tsang to build five Hua-yen temples in the capital cities of Chang-en and Lo-yang, Jiang-su and Je-Jiang provinces, and Ching Liang Mountain. After that, the territorial expansion of Hua-yen School touched the expanse of eastern and northern China. As history witnessed, during the time of Chung-Tzung alone the endless construction of temples resulted in the wastage of unimaginable amount of money and other national resources, besides the fact that endless ordination of monks caused nearly several hundred thousands of people to avoid taxes and services.[49] The unlimited constructing of Buddhist temples had worn out the ordinary citizens and the national revenue was used up.[50] In sum, the establishment of the Hua-yen School or other Buddhist schools had been backed up under the huge economic and financial basis.

During the Tang period, the thought of the Sa^ngha began to become mature. Chinese Sa^ngha became more automatic and independent. Such characteristics were reflected in both aspects of Buddhist culture and Sa^ngha organization. During the Sui and Tang period, some Buddhist leaders and scholars became renowned for having widely read various texts and thus received recognition for their being knowledgeable. Along with the accumulatived translation and interpretation of Indian Buddhist sūtras, Chinese Buddhist scholars began to have better understanding of Indian Buddhist texts. They were able to make independent judgments and as a result contributed to the further development of Buddhism. The creative thinking and progress made in Buddhism from the period of pre-Tang to Tang period produced several independent Chinese Buddhist schools and cultural systems. The Buddhas and Bodhisattvas of this period at Lung-men, in their lofty and hieratic serenity, stand in marked contrast to the robust and earthly figures depicted in the previous century, for instance at Yun-kang.[51]The creativity and autonomy of Chinese Buddhist elites and Dharma Masters resulted in two very significant consequences:

First, regarding their relationship with other circles outside of Buddhism, the Buddhist intellectuals spiritually were no longer subordinate to traditional Chinese culture. Instead, they established their own philosophical system to compete with Confucianism and Taoism(道教). The Buddhist elites even actively challenged the Taoists(道家). They, in fact, went so far as to ambitiously fight the Taoists over the orthodoxy in the context of Chinese culture.

Secondly, among the Buddhist groups, different Buddhist scholars made their own judgments on the various Indian Buddhist schools and texts. These Chinese scholars though viewed them as complete units, but in each individual case they were viewed as distinct in sequence and the level of teaching. Chinese Buddhist elites categorized the different sūtras and doctrines on the basis of their own understanding. The Buddhist scholars made a systematic arrangement and a specific evaluation of each school as well as text. This methodology is known as pan-chiao(判教) i.e., through independent classification of teachings, Chinese Buddhist schools made judgments on Indian Buddhist schools from their own standards, which included both admiration and criticism. They even challenged the authority of Indian Buddhist texts and opened up the doors to original creation of Chinese Buddhism. Chinese Buddhist schools were embodied with strong religious ideology, and each one of them claimed its own orthodoxy. Each school tried to justify itself under the sectarian bias, which was the unique characteristic in the formative years of Chinese Buddhist schools.

When Fa-tsang began founding his school, Tien-tai, Three-treaties and Fa-hsiang Vijñānavāda Schools had already exited. Fa-tsang faced fierce challenge and pressure from the various competing contemporary schools. Fa-tsang organized the doctrine and firmly established the Hua-yen School. His originality and talent at integration and management were simply superb and unsurpassable.

Up to the Tang dynasty, due to the long-term dissemination of Buddhism, the Buddhist territory expanded. More Chinese people were converted to Buddhism. The economic power of the Buddhist temples was enhanced. Buddhism had broader influence in China than ever before. During this time, many Dharma Masters rose to prominence and some of the prominent amongst them whose names may be mentioned here were Tao-hsuen (道宣), Hsuan-tsang (玄奘), Chih-yen (智儼), Hung-ren (弘 忍), Shen-hsiu (神秀), Shan-tao (善導), Huai-su (懷素), Kuei-chei (窺基), I-ching (義淨), Huei-neng (慧能), Shen-huei (神會) and Chien-jen (鑑真). These Masters included sectarian founders of Vinaya (律), Fa-hsiang (法相) Vijñānavāda (唯識) , Pure Land (淨土), Ch'an (禪) Buddhism and the forerunner of Hua-yen (華嚴) School. The monasteries where those eminent Dharma Masters stayed became the centers of the domestic and international religious focus in Buddhism. Along with Hua-yen School, most of the Chinese Buddhist schools were founded during the time of Fa-tsang (法藏). This example shows that the social atmosphere and social milieu in which Fa-tsang lived was tremendously favorable for the origin and development of new Buddhist schools. It is also an example of the fact that Buddhism was flourishing during this time.

Though Buddhism of the Tang period was governed by the state, it was able to maintain its independent existence as a religious organization. Thus, it may be said that Buddhism did not necessarily depend for extra-ecclesiastical help on institutions and/or people such as Emperors, officials or intellectuals. Buddhism was able to spread and continue through its sheer strength and stamina. Of course, the imperial help was quite congenial and conducive to the popularity of Buddhism.

During this era, various Chinese Buddhist schools created their own separate systems, and were located all over the capitals and also temples in famous mountains. The eminent monks became the central attraction who led huge organizations of the Sa^ngha. Every Chinese Buddhist school also imitated the worldly family tree to make the chart for sectarian lineage and succession. Each family tree of a Buddhist school and sectarian history was passed down generation after generation. In addition, Chinese lay followers started their Buddhist organizations at the time when the (dhyāna禪) practice (kuan-fa觀法) and repentance ritual practice (chan-fa 懺法) were becoming popular. As a result of all these, Buddhism became deeply-rooted in the Chinese society, and the activities of Chinese Buddhists gained the support of the masses. As early as the end of the Northern Wei dynasty (prior to C. 534 A.D.), there already existed the association of ‘Hua-yen sūtra Study and Practice’. In the Southern Chi dynasty before (C. 502 A.D.), there appeared the assembly of Hua-yen sūtra chanting and vegetarian feasting. During the Sui period (C.580-618 A.D.), followers of Hua-yen in huge numbers could be witnessed. During the Tang rule, the laity founded the society for chanting the Hua-yen sūtra together. Generally speaking, from Pre-Tang to Tang dynasty, Buddhism eventually became an independent social strength, which made the founding of Buddhist schools possible. The establishment and development of the Hua-yen School is a perfect example of the autonomy enjoyed by the Chinese Buddhism during the Tang period.

CHAPTER 3 THE FOUNDING OF THE HUA-YEN SCHOOL AND ITS LINEAGE

After the foundation of the Hua-yen School of Buddhism was laid during the Tang period, it made a steady progress. The history of its in tial progress is full of interesting incidents of ups and downs. As it was gaining roots on the Chinese soil, it had to sometimes work in a hostile environment and sometimes in friendly and helpful conditions. But all the time it had to compete with other contemporary systems such as the Pure Land (淨土), Ch'an (禪) and the T'ien-t'ai (天台). Schools like the Pure Land were devotional and believed in complete surrender to the mercy of Amitābha and repentance as a means to reach salvation. As compared to this, there were other which were based on the principle of P'an-chiao (判教),“Classification of Doctrines.”The idea of the Classification of Doctrines was based on the principle that one particular scripture contained the highest truth, and that all other scriptures belonged to a sequence of preliminary stages of revelation, each using a different teaching method and being addressed to a different audience. It was in this background that the Avata.msaka sūtra became the primary text of the Hua-yen School of Buddhism.

1. The Historical and Cultural Context of the Hua-yen Buddhism

Various Chinese Buddhist schools flourished during the Sui and Tang dynasties. As each school had its own canon and doctrine, it was called“school”(宗), for example, Fa-hsiang (Dharmalak.sa.na 法相) School and Hua-yen (Avata.msaka) School. These school were also called“teaching”(教), for example Tien-tai Teaching and San-chie (三階) Teaching (Three Phase teaching, which means Buddhism has its life cycles, beginning with the authentic Dharma age, the mimic Dharma age, and ending in the terminal Dharma age.) Some other schools set up their methods toward liberation, also called“gate (門) or Dharma gate (法門) (Dharmaparyāya)”, for example, Ch'an Gate, Pure Land Gate. Before the establishment of Ch'an Buddhist school, there existed only the Dharma teachers who expounded the (La^nkāvatāra sūtra 楞伽經).

In fact, numerous Chinese Buddhist schools appeared after the long-term study and discourses on the sūtras and the śāstras. In the Southern and Northern Dynasties (C.420-590A.D.), it was quite popular to have a“Teacher of the śāstra”and“Teacher of the sūtra”to expound the text. There was no formal religious organization that had initiation, religious founder, disciples, canon and succession. For example, three famous Teachers of Satya-siddhi śāstras of Liang period (C.502-557A.D.), Seng-min (C.467-527A.D.) Chih-tsang (C.458-522A.D.) and Fa-yun (C.467-529A.D.), did not have the same explanation on Buddhist theory, and they interpreted Nirvā.na and Buddha Nature differently. Master Chih-I (C.538-597A.D.) favored Mt. T'ien-t'ai as his abode. The doctrine that he established for the T'ien-t'ai School was largely based on the Lotus sūtra and its Chinese translation was known as Fa-hua sūtra. In The Gist of Lotus sūtra (Fa-hua-da-yi 法華大意), (Chan-jen 湛然) (C.711-782A.D.) claimed that the Lotus sūtra was widely interpreted by many Teachers, but from then on, the Lotus sūtra was earmarked to the T'ien-t'ai School. Thereby, the name of“Fa-hua School”or“T'ien-t'ai Fa-hua School”was initiated by Chan-jen,[52] who was conventionally honored as the ninth successor of the T'ien-t'ai School. It is believed that the previous founders of the T'ien-t'ai School were from amongst the Teachers of the Lotus sūtra.

There is no doubt that the rise of the Hua-yen School is connected to the translation of the Hua-yen sūtra as early as in (C.186 A.D.) During the Later Han dynasty, the Hua-yen sūtra was partially rendered by Central Asian monk Loka.sema[53]. This earliest translation is called Tu-sha-ching[54] Tathāgata sūtra (如來名號品), which is the outline of chapter seven entitled the Name of Tathāgata in Tang's version.

From the mid-second century to the end of the third century, a variety of partial Hua-yen sūtra circulated as a separate sūtra. The Pu-sa-ben-ye-ching[55] (Bodhisattva fundamental acts sūtra), that is, the eleventh chapter titled Pure acts in Tang's version was translated in (C.253 A.D.) by Chih-chien[56], who was also the translator of the earliest version of the (Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa 維摩經). Dated between (C. 220 A.D. to 264 A.D.), part of Entering into Dharma-dhātu was translated by Fa-hsien,[57] who was from Parthia, the Arsakes kingdom. (Dharmarakśa 法護 Fa-fu), who was from Dun-huang, carried lots of sūtras with him to China in (C.265 A.D.) He was active in Chang-an and Lo-yang as a sūtra translator. From (C. 266 A.D. to 313 A.D.), partial Hua-yen sūtra was translated by him, such as the chapters of Ten Stages (Daśabhūmika sūtra 十住經), the Manifestation of Tathāgata, the Ten Abodes, and the Ten Concentrations.[58]

According to Eminent monks biographies, work on the exegesis of the Daśabhūmika sūtra had already begun in the late fourth century (C.394 A.D.), by Seng-wei, an East Jin dynasty monk of Chang-sa temple located in the present Szuchuan province.[59] Regarding other translations of the Daśabhūmika sūtra, the most representative one is the version done by Śiladharma in the late ninth century during the reign of Tang dynasty, in which it is pointed out that the Śākyamuni expounded the Hua-yen sūtra on the second seven day after he attained the Enlightenment.

In the beginning of the fifth century, Chih Fa-ling[60] and Buddhayaśas carried the Sanskrit Hua-yen sūtra to Chang-an (C.408 A.D.). During this period of time, the disciples of Kumārajīva (C.344-413A.D.) also began to study some Hua-yen text and the Daśabhūmika sūtra and started preparing exegesis. Tao-Zuang, who was a talented disciple of (Kumārajīva 鳩摩羅什), had already prepared commentaries on the Daśabhūmika sūtra, and he authored a book named Shih-di-yi-shu[61] (Ten stages exegesis). As referred to in the documents of Chih-seng, a great editor of Buddhist sūtras and also in the documents in the eighth century of Tang dynasty, it is pointed that Kumārajīva in Liang state also translated the Hua-yen sūtra and studied it diligently[62]. In the essay of Da-sheng-da-yi-chuang[63] (Mahāyāna tenor), Kumārajīva and Master Huei-yuan (C.334-416 A.D.) of Mt. Lu always quoted from the Inconceivable Liberation sūtra to discuss the question about Dharmākaya and thirty-two marks of the Buddha. In fact, the Inconceivable liberation sūtra is the incomplete chapter of Entering into Dharma-dhātu of the later version of Jin or Tang dynasty. Especially, it is important to mention here that Buddhayaśas was from Kashmīra, well versed in (Daśabhūmika vibhā.sā śāstra 十住毘婆沙論) and came to Chang-an with Chih Fa-ling. Buddhayaśas and Kumārajīva always worked together. Kumārajīva translated this śāstra as Buddhayaśas chanted it instantaneously. Besides, when Kumārajīva had hard time translating the Daśabhūmika sūtra, he turned for interpretation to Buddhayaśas, which proved to be very helpful in the study of the Daśabhūmika sūtra for Kumārajīva's disciples as well[64].

Before Buddhabhadra translated the Hua-yen sūtra in sixty volumes by C.420 A.D., a group of Buddhist monks and scholars had already been studying the Daśabhūmika sūtra. However, understanding of the whole structure of the Hua-yen sūtra meant improvement in the understanding of the subject matter of the daśabhūmi. It was perhaps because of this reason that Master Huei-yuan of Mt. Lu had to send his disciple Chih Fa-ling in search of the Hua-yen sūtra. During the east Jin dynasty, in the Dao-chang temple, Buddhabhadra, Fa-yeh, Huei-yien, Huei-kuang and about one hundred people collaborated to translate and polish the text of the Hua-yen sūtra from C.418 A.D. to 420 A.D. This translation had a great influence on the Chinese Buddhism in those years. Some of them became the earliest exegetes of the Hua-yen sūtra, especially, Huei-kuang and Fa-yeh who were close to Buddhabhadra, and they dedicated themselves to the task of studying the thought of the Hua-yen.[65] As Fa-tsang wrote in the Hua-yen sūtra biographies, Fa-yeh kept pondering over the meaning of the sūtra day by night, and was finally able to figure it out after several years. Fa-yeh told his friend that Buddhabhadra taught him and others Sanskrit in person, expanded the holy teaching to the south, and cultivated them step-by-step. Because of Buddhabhadra's influence, Fa-yeh became determined to study and expound the Hua-yen sūtra, and it was the initiation of the great teaching[66]. Fa-yeh wrote the Hua-yen-chih-kuei (the Tenor of Hua-yen) to elucidate the chapters such as the Pure eye of the world, the Sāmantabhadra Practice, the Nature origination and the Entering into Dharma-dhātu. It probably was the original guideline on studying the Hua-yen sūtra. In (C.435 A.D.), Gu.nabhadra, who came from central India, knew Chinese well and specialized in the Hua-yen sūtra. He lectured the Hua-yen sūtra numerous times[67]. The Hua-yen sūtra was widely studied by Buddhist monks and scholars. Although Hua-yen school, was not formally founded during the Southern and Northern dynasties (C.420-590A.D.), the teaching and practice associated with the Hua-yen sūtra was gradually disseminated. It may be pointed out that the Hua-yen School was formally established by Fa-tsang (C.643-712A.D.) under the support and patronage of Queen Wu during the Tang period.

Because, the existence of a Buddhist school had to be promoted by the Emperor and influential officials. Moreover, a Buddhist school had to win the support from the masses. If more people believed in religion, the ruler would be alle to always use it for all sorts of political expediencies. The most influential Chinese Buddhist schools that were based on the extensive belief of the masses were T'ien-t'ai Buddhism and Ch'an Buddhism. Without a certain formula of doctrine. The Ch'an Buddhism discards the trivial ritual and canon, and it makes easy for Ch'an Buddhism to be accepted by the masses. Ch'an Buddhism became one of the most popular Buddhist schools in China. Regarding the T'ien-t'ai School, it has to be noted for its relation with the popular belief of god worship, which is called ancestral shrine. For solution of family matters resorts to“destiny god”or“shrine god”. For the problems of the town have to appeal to the“local god”for help. Therefor a variety of worship rites and objects came together with the import of Buddhism to China, such as the worship of Mañjuśrī and Sāmantabhadra of the Hua-yen School, Maitreya of Fa-hsiang (Dharmalak.sa.na) School. During the Sui and Tang periods, Avalokiteśvara and Amitābha were the worship objects of the popular religious belief. Because of the Lotus sūtra that was regarded as the major text by T'ien-t'ai School, Avalokiteśvara became its major object of worship. Because Avalokiteśvara was the Boddhisattva who was seen as the one who releases people from the misery of hardships, in order to be reborn in the Western Paradise, the laity of Pure Land School organized an association to recite the Buddha name to reach the Samādhi. In summary, the religious practices and beliefs of various Buddhist schools mentioned above, paint a clear picture of the influence of these schools on the masses during the Tang period.

It is interesting to note that lineage and succession became a sort of trademark in every Buddhist school. Every Buddhist school appealed to its lineage as the justification of antiquity. During the Northern and Southern dynasties, Buddhism already competed with Taoism for the antiquity in the state. In the fifth century, Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-chuan[68], translated by Ki.mkara and Tan-yiau in (C.472 A.D.), was one of the books about the justification of antiquity for Buddhism. This book is about the twenty-three custodians of pi.taka after the Buddha's Nirvā.na. However, this book sometimes is surmised as the apocrypha by the fact that when Emperor Tai-wu di of Northern Wei dynasty persecuted the Buddhist monks, it was made out of some historical documents to support the antiquity of Buddhist lineage. Sa-po-dou-pu-chi[69]was written by the Chinese monk Seng yiou (C.445-518A.D.), and it consists of documents about more than ninety custodians of Sarvāstivāda Vinaya(十誦律) Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-chuan and Sa-po-dou-pu-chi (沙婆多部經) were quoted quite often by the Chinese Buddhist schools for their justification of antiquity. In India, various schools of Buddhism focused on the theoretical diversity instead of the sectarian lineage and succession. After the Sui and Tang period, more attention was paid to sectarian lineage and succession. The founder of a Buddhist school would claim that he inherited the antiquity of the Buddha's teaching by quoting Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yua-chuan as the proof. For instance, in the lineage and succession of T'ien-t'ai School, Nāgārjuna was regarded as the thirteenth custodian of the pi.taka and his Mahāyāna thought was associated with the T'ien-t'ai School. Ch'an Buddhist school also resorts to Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-chuan in regard to its lineage. The instant teaching of Ch'an Buddhism passes down the custodianship of the Dharma without words but with mind. The Hua-yen School emphasizes the studying and lecturing of the sūtra to preach the Dharma, which is quite different from Ch'an Buddhism. During the Tang period, various Sa^nghas identified themselves with the schools they belonged to. The members of schools definitely marked a clear-cut distinction from one another. The great exegete of the Hua-yen sūtra Cheng-kuan (C.738-839 A.D.) once followed Chan-jen (C.711-782 A.D.) of T'ien-t'ai School to learn, but when the group of the Hua-yen School honored Cheng-kuan as the fourth patriarch, the T'ien-t'ai Sectarians were so irritated and condemned Cheng-kuan as a“traitor”. Cheng-kuan preached the Hua-yen sūtra for over ten years in Mt. Wu-tai, which then was viewed as the holy place of the Hua-yen School.

As a variety of Chinese Buddhist schools were introduced to Japan; the Japanese monks sometimes felt confused about those newly coming schools. As recorded by the Japanese monk Saichou (C.767-822 A.D.), Tien-tai, Hua-yen, Fa-hsiang (Dharmalak.sa.na 法相), (San-lun 三論) (Mūlamadhyamaka kārikā 中論), (Śata śāstra 百論), (Dvādaśāmuka śāstra 十二門論), Vinaya Schools and antricism were all transmitted to Japan during the Tang dynasty. Japanese Buddhist historian Gounen (C.1240-1321 A.D.) wrote extensively about the Buddhist history of India, China and Japan and in his book he has shown as to how popular Buddhism was in Japan.

Buddhism in Korea was transmitted indirectly from China in the mid-third century during the West Jin dynasty (C.265-316 A.D.). Towards the beginning of Tang dynasty, many Korean monks, including Yuan-hsiau and I-hsiang, came to China to study Buddhism. Yuan-hsiau studied under Hsuan-tsang[70] in the capital city Chang-an, while I-hsiang learned from Chih-yen on Chung-nan Mountain. Another Korean monk Tz-tsang and his follower Seng-shih came to China in the twelfth year of Jen-kuan (C.638 A.D.) and five years later they carried a set of pi.taka back to Korea.[71]

After I-hsiang went back to Korea, he preached the Hua-yen teaching in Chue-don, and his disciple Chih-tung recorded his lectures, as Chue-don-chi. I-hsiang became the founder of Korean Hua-yen School. I-hsiang had ten great disciples to help in preaching Dharma. Hua-yen third patriarch Fa-tsang (C.643-712 A.D.) wrote him a letter and admired him“After the Parinirvā.na (般泥洹) of the Buddha, it is the Master I-hsiang to brighten the sun of the Buddha and turn the Dharma-wheel, then perpetuate the authentic Dharma in the world.[72]”Monk Shen-hsing was originally from Korea, after he finished his study in China with Fa-tsang, he went to Japan where he founded the Hua-yen School in the mid eighth century. Thus, monk Shen-hsing (審 祥)[73] is regarded as the religious founder of Japanese Hua-yen School. Up to Sung dynasty (C.960-1279 A.D.), the Korean Prince Yi-tien (C.1055-1101 A.D.) still favored the Hua-yen teaching and helped in spreading the Hua-yen teaching in Korea.

2. The Process of the Founding of The Hua-yen School

The Hua-yen that is one of the eight schools of Chinese Buddhism takes the Hua-yen sūtra as its fundamental scripture. It may be pointed out here that it is also known by several other names, namely, Hsien-shou (賢首), Dharma Realm, and Ch'ing-liang (清涼). It is called Hsien-shou because Patriarch Hsien-shou (whose style name was Fa-tsang) brought Hua-yen School to the apex of its development. As the sūtra elucidates the doctrine of one true Dharma Realm, thus, it has also received this name. Its name Ch'ing-liang is based on the fact that Patriarch Ch'ing-liang (whose style name was Cheng-kuan) wrote the Comprehensive Commentary and Sub-commentary (疏鈔) on the Hua-yen sūtra which explains the essentials of this sūtra in detail.

According to Ta-chih-tu-lun (Mahāprajñāpāramitā śāstra 大智度論), most of the Mahāyāna sūtras were compiled by Mañjuśrī. The Hua-yen sūtra, the king among the Mahāyāna sūtras, must have been no exception. But after the Nirvā.na of Śākyamuni the sages disappeared, and conditions were not ripe for the Mahāyāna. Therefore the Hua-yen sūtra sank into oblivion for a period of over 600 years until the advent of Nāgārjuna.

Nāgārjuna obtained the Hua-yen sūtra from the dragon palace. It was subsequently translated into Chinese by Buddhabhadra and Sik.sānanda, respectively. Nāgārjuna is regarded as the forerunner of the Hua-yen School, he together with Āśvagho.sa (馬鳴) and the five Chinese Patriarchs, are sometimes revered as the Seven Patriarchs. However, only the five Chinese Masters are usually referred to as the Hua-yen Patriarchs due to their outstanding contributions to the establishment of the school.

The first patriarch, Tu-shun (杜順), who style name was Fa-shun, established on the basis of the Hua-yen sūtra the three contemplations of the Dharma Realm (法界三觀), which reveal the unimpeded interaction of all the Buddhist schools. Yun-hua Chih-yen (智儼) also called Ven. Chih-hsiang (至相) wrote the (Sou-hsuan-chi 搜玄記). He developed the concept of the Ten mysterious gates (十重玄門), and combined them perfectly with the six characteristics (六相): the total (總) and particular (別), the identical (同) and different (異), the constructing (成) and deconstructing (壞). He furthermore originated the five teachings (五教) on which Patriarch Hsien-shou's classification of Buddha's teachings (p'an-chiao) was to be founded. The Third Patriarch Hsien-shou (whose style name was Fa-tsang 法藏) wrote the ten-volumes T'an-hsuan-chi (探玄記) on the basis of the Sou-hsuan-chi. He also authored the One vehicle doctrine of Hua-yen (華嚴一乘教義), dividing what Śākyamuni had preached into three periods (三時) and five discourses (五教). In this system Hua-yen is given a superior position of a special vehicle teaching due to its doctrines of the Dependent Arising of the Dharma Realm and the unimpeded interaction of phenomena. By now, the concept of the five teachings had become almost perfect.

In order to procure a copy of the Sanskrit text of the eighty volumes Hua-yen sūtra kept in Khotan, the Tang Empress Wu sent a special mission there. After the text had been brought to China, Sik.sānanda rendered it into Chinese. Hsien-shou cooperated in this translation project and wrote a Commentary on the sūtra, yet passed away before it could be finished. Hui-yuan (慧苑), one of his disciples, wrote Revised commentary (K'an-ting-chi 刊定記), much of which went against his Master's ideas. Fourth Patriarch Ch'ing-liang (whose style name was Cheng-kuan) was the author of the Hua-yen-hsuan-t'an (華嚴玄談) as well as the commentary and sub-commentary on the Hua-yen sūtra (華嚴疏鈔), in which the ideas of Mahāyāna (大), Hīnayāna (小), nature (性), appearance (相), emptiness (空), and existence (有) are touched upon to the fullest extent and in an unbiased manner. He was responsible for bringing the Hua-yen to full bloom, and his representative works are looked upon as the bright sun in the skies. Kuei-feng (圭峰) Tsung-mi (宗密) was the fifth patriarch who, closely following the fourth patriarch, put equal emphasis on the Ch'an tradition and the teaching of the sūtras. He was well versed in the Perfect Enlightenment sūtra (圓覺經) from which he derived great benefit. His Great and little explanatory notes on the Perfect Enlightenment sūtra show the congruity of thought between Ch'ing-liang and him. With him the Hua-yen School was able to gain firm roots.

During the Tang rule Chinese Buddhism suffered persecution at the hands of Emperor Wu-Tzung in the years of Hui-ch'ang and was at low ebb for a long time. Fortunately, Tzu-hsuan(子璿) and his disciples like Ching-yuan (淨源), etc, of the Sung (宋) dynasty made efforts to keep the school alive. In the early Ming (明) dynasty Lu-t'ing (麓亭) advocated the Hua-yen doctrine in a successful way. At the end of the Ming dynasty, Hsiu-Fa (續法) wrote the Hsien-shou-wu-chiao-yi-hsiang-chu (賢首五教儀詳註)[74]. In the Ch'ing (清) dynasty, T'ung-li (通理) wrote the Wu-chiao-yi-k'ai-meng-tseng-chu (五教儀開蒙增註)[75]. Through its efforts the ‘Hua-yen Study Society’, continued the Hua-yen tradition in Shanghai where Ing-Tsz (應慈) lectured on the three Hua-yen sūtras. He attracted outstanding disciples such as Nant'ing (南亭), Lung-ch'uan (隆泉), and Ling-yuan (靈源).[76]

3. The Religious Lineage of The Hua-yen School and its Patriarchs

As far as the lineage of the Hua-yen patriarchs is concerned, several different views have prevailed in this connection. The lineage of three patriarchs in Hua-yen was initially put forward by Tsung-mi and according to him Tu-shun was the first patriarch, Chih-yen the second and Fa-tsang the third[77]. Another suggestion about the Hua-yen lineage was that of the five Hua-yen patriarchs, in which the fourth one, Cheng-kuan, and the fifth one, Tsung-mi were included.[78] Furthermore, Aśvagho.sa and Nāgārjuna were included into the lineage of Hua-yen, thus taking the total number of patriarchs to seven. This sort of appeal to antiquity was in all probability made for the purposes of providing this school a proper historical authenticity of its being a Buddhist school whose roots lie directly not only in the teachings of the Buddha but also the fact that it is contemporaneous with the Buddha himself. The three patriarchs Tu-shun, Chih-yen and Fa-tsang had amongst themselves a proper mentor-disciple (guru-sisya) relationship. Tu shun was the mentor of Chih-yen, who in turn was the mentor of Fa-tsang. The fourth patriarch Cheng-kuan and the fifth patriarch Tsung-mi were also bound together by the mentor-disciple relationship. Nevertheless, the relationship between the third patriarch Fa-tsang and the fourth patriarch Cheng-kuan is not very clear. In other words, the lineage of five Hua-yen patriarchs is a subject of discussion and conventionally speaking, the Hua-yen sectarian history is centered on the patriarchal-succession between Tu-shun, Chih-yen and Fa-tsang. The Hua-yen masters made great contribution to the formation of the Hua-yen teaching that is based on the Hua-yen sūtra. Chih-yen was the one who laid the foundations of the Hua-yen teaching. Tu-shun was regarded as the first patriarch either by Tsung-mi,[79] who assumed the lineage of three Hua-yen Masters, or by another conventional idea that the Hua-yen lineage is based on five Hua-yen Masters. However, modern scholar have differences of opinions and propound differing hypotheses about the Hua-yen lineage.

A. The First Patriarch Tu-shun

(1) Biographical Sketch

After the Hua-yen sūtra was brought to China and translated into Chinese in sixty volumes (C.418~420 A.D.) during the East Jin (東晉) dynasty, there were many Chinese monks who studied the Hua-yen sūtra, and practiced the Mahāyāna teaching according to it. The Tang dynasty began in (C.618 A.D.) Among the monks from pre-Tang to Tang era, Tu-shun (C.557~640 A.D.) was the one who really specialized in the Hua-yen sūtra and devoted himself to the practice of Hua-yen; this was probably the reason that Tu-shun was honored as the first Hua-yen patriarch by the followers of Hua-yen School later.

Master Tu-shun (C.557-640 A.D.), also known as Fa-shun (法順), was the first Hua-yen Patriarch. He was from the Wan-nien (萬年) county of Yung (雍) state and was born in the second year of Yueng-dingm (永定) during the reign of Emperor Chen (陳) in the Southern dynasty. According to a tradtion, three days after his birth, an unknown woman volunteered to nurture him. After three months, this foster mother left. She soared up to the sky and disappeared. In Tu-shun's childhood, on the graveyard at the back of his house, he always talked about the meaning of Dharma to the audience. People who had instruction from Tu-shun believed in his teaching and were all enlightened. The graveyard then was called as Dharma-preaching graveyard. When Tu-shun was fifteen, he commanded the troops for his elder brother to suppress the rebels. He supplied water and firewood to more than one hundred thousand soldiers. One night, he sneaked to the military camps, took away all of their heavy, filthy clothes, and washed them completely. He disarmed the rebels without sword and saber, and the rebels retreated. He was not interested in the prestige and honor that was usually bestowed on an officer in those days, but preferred to look after his parents instead. Thus, he took permission to go back to his hometown.

At eighteen (C.575 A.D.), Tu-shun approached Ch'an Master Wei-jen of Yin-Seng (因聖) temple and was ordained by him to be a novice. When Wei-jen shaved Tu-shun's head, the legend has it that the ground began to shake and the god of earth brought a tray to carry Tu-shun's hair. Afterwards, Tu-shun traveled around in the state of Ching and preached Dharma. He persuaded lay followers to support the assembly of sūtra chanting and had an inborn talent to be a religious leader. There are many legends associated with the various miracles that he is said to have performed during his travels of Dharma preaching. According to one legend, once alms-givers made preparation of vegetarian meals for three hundred monks. However, unexpectedly, five hundreds more poor people showed up without invitation. The alms-givers were worried about the insufficient provisions of food. But Tu-Shun assured them by saying[80] that there was nothing that could not be accomplished with a benevolent heart. After the meal, the five hundred people appeared as arahants, riding the clouds and taking off into the sky.

The family of Cheng Hung-chuang (張弘暢) raised horses and cattle. A legend says that these domestic animals had a very nasty demeanor. Tu-shun showed animals the way of kindness, and the animals gave up their nasty nature. According to yet another legend, Tu-shun took his followers to Mountain Li (驪) and lived a quiet life. They were about to grow vegetables but the soil was full of insects and ants. Tu-shun inspected the field and marked a line for boundary, therefore, the insects and ants moved out. Thus, they were able to do farming without hurting any life. There is another legend, according to which, Tu-shun once had a sore swelling and puss came out of it. It is said that when someone sucked this puss, it actually smelled extremely fragrant. When wiped with silk its fragrance stayed the same. He soon fully recovered from the sore swelling and helped curing others.

Tu-shun is also known for having performed many more miracles whereby the dumb could speak, the deaf could hear and the sick could recover from the ailments. It is said that Tan Sa-tra (田薩埵), who was from San-yang (三原) County and was born deaf, began to hear when Tu-shun called him up. Similarly, Cheng Su (張蘇), who was also born dumb, got his power of speech when Tu-shun talked to him. A monk from Wu-kung (武功) plain County was possessed by a serpent demon, and people asked for help from him. While Tu-shun was sitting cross-legged in meditation and then looking straight at the monk, the serpent demon made the possessed monk speak to Tu-shun,“You Ch'an Master have arrived, I should not stay here any longer.”The ill monk soon had relief. Near and far, whoever was troubled with malaria or any evil spirit came to him seeking cure. Tu-Shun did not practice any special medical art or spell, while only concentrated and projected the Ch'an insight to reach the patients. There was none whom he could not cure. Moreover, even the tree occupied with demon spirit and the serpent shrine were burned down immediately as soon as Tu-Shun looked straight at them, and the witchcraft was also dispelled. People felt amazed and gave him the title of Dun-Huang (敦煌) Bodhisattva.

As the news of his fame traveled far and wide, the imperial court also heard about him and his curing powers as well as his other qualities. Emperor Wen-Di (文帝) of Sue (隋) dynasty showed respect and faith in him and bestowed him with a monthly salary. One more legend tells us that once Tu-shun took a trip to Mountain Nan, as there was a great flood and the water from the canals was overflowing. As a result of the flooding in the river, his followers feared for their lives and wanted to cross over to the other side. Tu-shun simply waded through the waters followed by his followers and the torrent stopped. He and his followers were able to cross without incurring any harm. As soon as Tu-shun and his followers climbed up the riverbank on the other side, the torrent was back to the same level as before.

There is a legend, according to that, on one occasion in an alms-giving gathering vegetarian meals were distributed to the monks. The host brought his son before Tu-shun and requested him to bless his son for good luck and longevity. Tu-shun looked at them with deliberation and talked to the father,[81]“You and your wife owe this kid an apology! Thus, you should beg of him to pardon you!”After the meal, Tu-shun required the host to take his son to the riverside. Having reached the bank of the river, Tu-shun threw this kid into the river. The host couple punched their chests with heart-broken agony. Tu-shun said,“Your son is still alive.”Tu-shun pointed with his finger to the kid who became a six feet high man standing over the waves. This man condemned the couple and said,“In my previous life, you robbed my gold and silks, killed me and drowned me in the river. If you do not confess for the sake of the Bodhisattva, I swear, I will not forgive you!”The couple then confessed to their faults silently. According to another legend, Tu-shun once left behind a pair of shoes on the entrance of a market by accident. For three days, the shoes were still there and no one stole them. When asked how this could happen, Tu-shun answered,“I have never robbed a penny from others since the immeasurable past kalpās, the reward is supposed as such.”The robbers who heard this saying all felt regret and quit robbing.

Tu-shun was born with a gentle nature and pure virtue. He did not learn from any particular teacher. He devoted himself to studying the Hua-yen sūtra as lifelong career and lived quietly on Mountain Chung-nan. He revised the content of the Hua-yen sūtra and wrote Script of contemplating Dharma Realm (法界觀文). When he finished this writing, he threw it into fire and prayed,“If this writing corresponds to the heart of sages, may none of this burn!”He quickly sensed the presence of the gathering of Hua-yen Bodhisattvas, who appeared and admired him. As a result, the writing did not get damaged even a little bit. Among his disciples, Chih-yen was the only one who was able to grasp his teachings best as the best of all.

There was a monk called Fan hsien-chih (樊玄智) who came from An-ting (安定). He studied Dharma at the capital city in his adolescence. After completing his Dharma studies, he came to the south to become Tu-shun's disciple. Tu-shun required him to recite the Hua-yen sūtra, and persuaded him to follow the instruction on “The way of contemplating Dharma Realm (法界觀門)” and practice the doctrine of Sāmantabhadra Bodhisattva (普賢行). Later on, whenever Fan-hsien-chih chanted the Hua-yen sūtra, he got numerous śarīrās, like luminous stones from his mouth, about several hundreds in number.

Tu-shun once wrote Dhammakāya Song (法身頌):

The cattle are grazing in state of Chia
The horses in state of Iee are full
People all over the country are looking hard for doctors
Doctors practice acupuncture on the left forelegs of pigs

People who realized (Dharma 達摩 Ch'an) well were all perplexed by the paradox of this verse.

Because of Tu-shun's moral integrity, Emperor Tai-Tzung (太宗) of Tang dynasty looked up to him for advice, and officially invited him to the court. The legend has it that the Emperor came out in person to welcome Tu-shun and asked him, “I was troubled with cold fever and never recovered for long. How can I get well with your holy help?”Tu-shun said,“As long as you rule this country with your great virtue why should you be bothered by this tiny illness? Just go ahead to announce the amnesty, you soon will be well.”The Emperor followed his advice and recovered from his illness. Emperor Tai-Tzung knighted him as“Di-shin (帝心)”(the Heart of Emperor i.e., Beloved of the Emperor). Everyone in the court respected him and treated him as the Buddha.

According to the legend associated with the end of his existence in this world, we are told that on the twenty-fifth day of the tenth month of the lunar calendar, (C.640 A.D.), he held a Dharma ritual and met his followers in Iee-san (義善) temple in the southern Yuang (雍) state. He stayed calm but said farewell to the crowd suddenly. He went back to the court to see Emperor Tai-Tzung, stayed at the Tai-jei (太階) palace and rested in peace on the Emperor's bed. The Emperor hosted his body at inner palace for seven days. He was eighty-four at that time. His body remained fresh without showing any signs of decay and emitted fragrance. After seven days, his body and sitting throne were sent to the northern plain of Fan Chuan (樊川). His remains was placed in the hollowed niche near the Fan-chuan mountain area to dry out, where the Fuei Saint (會聖) Temple is now located. The whole nation mourned for him. His remains were kept as a whole for three weeks and the facial color still looked fresh in the coffin. A pagoda was built in the capital city Chang-an-Na-Hua-yen (長安南華嚴 ) temple where his relics were kept.

Before Tu-shun went in perfect rest, one of his disciples was going to Mt. Wu-Tai (五台) to meet Mañjuśrī. He was about to leave and said goodbye to Tu-shun. Tu-shun smiled and said,[82]“One who is wandering far to show respect to the mound, Mañjuśrī is only here, where could Amitābha be found?”The disciple did not understand his words but took off. As he just arrived near Mt. Wu-Tai, he met an old man, who asked,“What do you come here for?”The disciple said,“To worship and show respect to Mañjuśrī.”The old man said,“Mañjuśrī has left for Chang-an to teach and convert all living beings.”The disciple asked,“Who is he?”The old man said,“He is the monk Tu-shun.”The disciple was shocked. He could barely talk and said,“He is my Master!”This old man soon disappeared. The disciple rushed back to Chang-an. It took him three days to arrive in Chang-an due to the flood of Chansui (滻水). Tu-shun had rested in peace one day before his arrival. This incident proved Tu-shun to be the manifestation of Mañjuśrī.

Various legends and tales relating to the life of Tu-shun show that he took a keen interest in the communal religious life of lay Buddhists. The tale of‘loaves and fishes’illustrates more than Tu-shun's miraculous powers. Along with other incidents recorded in the biography, it indicates that Tu-shun's career was marked throughout by a concern for the relevance of Buddhist practice to the lives of those who would not or could not‘leave their homes’(pravrajati) in the secular society of medieval China. It is quite interesting to note that almost all the events recounted in Tu-shun's biographies are encounters between himself and laymen. Hardly any mention is made of his relations with fellow members of the Sa^ngha.[83] The maigre meetings were largely devotional assemblies of both monks and laymen who gathered on regular or special occasions to partake in vegetarian meals, to distribute food to poor people, to chant passages from the scriptures, and to be edified by homilies.

Though Tu-shun may not have initiated the practice of maigre assemblies as an institution of Chinese lay Buddhism, his role in the institution of chai-hui was quite impressive. Tu-shun was personally engaged in a form of communal practice that has its roots in popular rather than a prescribd and exclusively monastic Buddhist tradition. This is further evidence not only of his own compassion and skill-in-means but also of his, and therefore of early Hua-yen's, link to a vital and nourishing undercurrent of popular religious practice.[84]

(2) Tu-shun and the Formation of the Hua-yen Teaching

Initially, Tu-shun was an ordinary Ch'an meditation monk whose life was full of magical events and thaumaturgy. He spread the Buddhist teaching by expounding the Hua-yen sūtra. The writings ascribed to Tu-shun include Hua-yen-wu-chiao-chih-kuan[85] and Hua-yen-fa-chieh-kuan-men.[86] These two writings were highly valued by the Hua-yen School and Tu-shun was posthumously honored as the First Hua-yen patriarch. However, whether those two works were written by Tu-shun or by someone else has been a problematic issue thus far.[87] Hua-yen-wu-chiao-chih-kuan and Hua-yen-fa-chieh-kuan-men contain the original thought of doctrinal classification and the complete interfusion of all Dharmas in Dharma-dhātu.

In the Hua-yen-wu-chiao-chih-kuan (Hua-yen Five Teachings in Śamatha and Vipaśyana 華嚴五教止觀), Tu-shun classified the Chih (止)[88] and Kuan (觀)[89]into five categories:

(1) Hīnayāna Teaching (小乘教): Dharmas have substantial existence, while the self does not(法有我無門).

(2) Mahāyāna Initial Teaching (大乘始教): Origination is identical to non-origination (生即無生門).

(3) Mahāyāna Final Teaching (大乘終教): The harmonious interfusion between principle and phenomena (事理圓融門).

(4) Mahāyāna Instant Teaching (大乘頓教): The Transcendence of words and insights (語觀雙絕門).

(5) Mahāyāna Complete Teaching (大乘圓教): Hua-yen Samādhi (華嚴三昧門 ).

This doctrinal classification was developed further and later revised by Chih-yen and Fa-tsang. This doctrinal classification of Hua-yen has become the trademark of Hua-yen School and distinguishes this school from all the other Buddhist schools.

In Hua-yen-fa-chieh-kuan-men (Hua-yen Dharma Realm Contemplative Approach), Tu-shun summarized the main thought of Hua-yen as follows:

(1) The contemplation of true emptiness (真空觀).

(2) The contemplation of non-obstruction between principle and phenomena (理事無礙觀).

(3) The contemplation of total pervasion and accommodation (周遍含容觀).

The contemplation of Dharma realm was the important thought of Hua-yen School. Through the contribution of Chih-yen, Fa-tsang and Cheng-kuan, it was further developed to attain maturity. Cheng-kuan took it to the highest development by turning it into a complete system in which he created the system of four Dharma realms (四法界) contemplation.

Some scholars have expressed doubt regarding Tu-shun's traditional status as the first patriarch of the Hua-yen School particularly for the fact, according to them, that he has little to do with the scriptural source of the tradition, the Hua-yen sūtra. They have pointed out that Tu-shun's earliest and most authoritative biography does not even mention the sūtra; that its title appears only in the appendicle of Chih-yen. It is also furthe rpointed out that, had Tu-shun been associated with the Hua-yen sūtra by way of study or practice, we could expect some mention in the biography of the names of those teachers with whom he studied it.[90] Thus, it is not difficult to understand why some scholars have suggested that Tu-shun's patriarchate is a pious fiction, an honor conferred on him later, without sufficient historical warrant, by Hua-yen School which only sought the lustre of his famed sanctity and which was then in need of a Chinese rather than Indian patriarchate.[91] However, such doubts expressed by some scholars may not appear to be reasonable in the light of the fact that the biographies collected in Tao-hsuan's Hsu-kao-seng-chuan[92] are arranged according to certain types of categories. Each monk was put in a particular category depending upon the field of specialization in which he spent his entire life. Thus, each of these categories imposes a bias on the biographies included in it. Thus, the life of a monk is described in a way as to best exemplify the ideal of the category to which he has been assigned. Other aspects of that monk's life, which do not directly pertain to the ideal in question, may be de-emphasized or omitted altogether.[93] Tu-shun is included among the ‘thaumaturges’, no doubt because the‘miracle-worker’aspect of his career seemed the most noteworthy to his contemporaries, of whom Tao-hsuan was only a thaumaturge or that thaumaturgy was incompatible with other Buddhist activities such as meditation and academic study.[94] It is, thus, not unlikely that Tao-hsuan would have attended almost exclusively to this one aspect of the career of Tu-shun. Today, in the suburbs of Xian (西安), Tu-shun's memorial pagoda[95] of Hua-yen temple represents a certain symbolic meaning and its significance to the followers of Hua-yen School has come down since the times of Tsung-mi. The fact that Tu-shun's memorial pagoda still exists in Xian, on this very basis a tenable assumption can be made for the fact that Tu-shun was the first Hua-yen patriarch.

According to the biography of Tu-shun[96], its author Tao-hsun mentions that Tu-shun was talented enough to be a religious leader and that he was the mentor of Chih-yen. According to the biography of Chih-yen in Hua-yen-ching-chuan-chi[97], the author Fa-tsang points out that Tu-shun and Chih-yen had a close relationship like father and son; and that Chih-yen was ordained by Tu-shun. Therefore, it seems reasonable that Tu-shun was regarded as the teacher of Chih-yen and placed in the lineage of Hua-yen School.

Tu-shun's most important contribution was the education of Chih-yen. According to the biography of Chih-yen in Hua-yen-ching-chuan-chi[98], Tu-shun once visited Chih-yen's home, Tu-shun told Chih-yen's father:“This is my son. Can you return him to me?”Chih-yen's parents noticed that Chih-yen had the inclination to be a monk, so they let Tu-shun take Chih-yen away. After Tu-shun ordained Chih-yen, Tu-shun asked his elder disciple Da Fa-shih to instruct Chih-yen. At that time, Tu-shun was fifty-seven and Chih-yen was only twelve. That is why their relationship was considered as father and son, which also showed that they were very close to each other. Chih-yen was supposed to learn under Tu-shun, so after the Nirvā.na of Tu-shun, Chih-yen went to preach Dharma and teach the public near the location of the niche where Tu-shun's remains were kept. His second contribution was that Tu-shun had direct influence on Chih-yen in the formation of Hua-yen teaching. Chih-yen developed the Hua-yen doctrinal classification and Hua-yen one vehicle teaching, which initially was based on Tu-shun's idea. In the writing of Yi-seng-shih-hsuan-men[99] (One vehicle ten mysterious gates), it is almost impossible to separate Chih-yen's thought from that of Tu-shun. However, the real contribution of Tu-shun on the Hua-yen teaching needs further research.

(3) Hua-yen Five-fold Teaching in Śamatha and Vipaśyanā by Tu-shun

According to Tu-shun, the sequence of practice in Hua-yen Five-fold Teaching in Śamatha and Vipaśyanā is as follows:

1. Dharmas have substantial existence, whilst the self does not. This is Hīnayāna Teaching.

2. Origination is identical to non-origination: Mahāyāna Initial Teaching.

3. The harmonious interfusion between principle and phenomena: Mahāyāna Final Teaching.

4. The Transcendence of words and insights: Mahāyāna Instant Teaching.

5. Hua-yen Samādhi: One Vehicle Complete Teaching.

Tu-shun classified different levels of Śamatha (chih 止) and Vipaśyanā (kuan 觀) by the various degrees through the five-fold teachings. With the classification of five-fold teachings, Tu-shun displayed varied levels of Śamatha and Vipaśyanā as listed below:

1. Dharmas have Substantial Existence, Whilst the Self Does Not

Since countless kalpās, sentient beings have clung to the material forms or the illusion of the self. Sentient beings either cling to the body as the self or cling to an independent self apart from the body. With the analysis of eighteen dhātus, a sentient being will not be obsessed with“I”any more or what“I”perceives or possesses. With the knowledge of the distinction of six sense-organs (indriyāni 根), six qualities of perceptions (seeing, listening, smelling, touching, thinking and tasting) and six perceptions (vijñāna 識), a sentient being is able to eliminate the defilement that is produced by the illusionary perceptions. In the La^nkāvatāra sūtra (楞伽經), it is said,[169]“The ocean-like Tathāgatagarbha (如來藏) always abides, never-changing. The sensations appear only when the ocean is blown by the wind. Various discriminations of vijñānas are wave-like, arising, leaping, generating and transforming.”[100]

Most of the sentient beings think of all conditions as the reality. In order to cut off all defilements, for freeing from the attachment of the self and what the self has been obsessed with, a person is supposed to see the phenomenal world with the liberated mind. Therefore, he will come to grasp that all Dharmas are interdependently originated. This level of Śamatha and Vipaśyanā is applied to remove the attachment of the self, which is classified as the Hīnayāna Teaching.

2. Origination is Identical to Non-origination

As far as the origination of Dharmas is concerned, origination is identical to non-origination. It implies the contemplation of the origination of Dharmas from two perspectives: Dharmas without origination and Dharmas without form.

Firstly, the contemplation of Dharmas without origination means that Dharmas are devoid of self-nature, all of which arise from interrelated condition. The arising of Dharmas is not substantial, so it is called emptiness. Emptiness is hard to see by its form, and is therefore called non-origination. As the Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā[101]says,“Dharmas come into being by interdependent conditions while Dharmas lack in self-nature, so it is emptiness.”Being devoid of self-nature means interdependent origination, vice versa, interdependent origination means to have no self-nature. According to Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā (中論), it is pointed out that in terms of emptiness, all Dharmas come into existence. Suppose that all Dharmas are not based on emptiness, there will be no Enlightenment, and no fruition of Enlightenment.

Secondly, the contemplation of Dharmas without form is to see that all Dharmas have no form because Dharmas are beyond all appearances. Dharmas are detached from appearance; there is nothing that Dharmas can depend on. All Dharmas are emptiness, without the appearance like a tiny hair-top. Emptiness is without distinction, and its existence is like the void space. A person is supposed to cultivate this insight to discern that all Dharmas are emptiness and stay away from the emotional attachment. Whoever practices this insight can cure himself/herself of the illness of attachment to Dharmas. In sum, Dharmas are neither being, nor nothing, neither non-being, nor non-nothing. Nevertheless, all sentient beings are deluded with the Dharmas as substantial existence, and think that they can possess the tathatā and Nirvā.na, therefore, they can do something on the matter of birth and death. In fact, this false view is the root of illness. Now, we are supposed to figure out that Dharmas are void, and that the nature (or say, the character) of all Dharmas is emptiness. This is the initial Mahāyāna teaching, which shows that the self as well as the Dharmas is emptiness.

3. The Contemplation on Harmonious Interfusion of Principle and Phenomena

This contemplation is based on the idea of The Awakening of faith[102], in which it holds that the mind has two aspects: one is that mind is tathatā (真如), which is the principle or say noumenon; the other is that mind is“generating and perishing”(生滅 ) namely, mind is in the stream of changing and becoming, and it is phenomenal. Principle and phenomena freely interrelate to each other without interference. In other words, the emptiness and the existence are co-existent, that is, conditionally originated things seem to exist but are empty. In virtue of the non-obstruction between the emptiness and the existence, the real and the illusionary are able to reflect and penetrate each other thoroughly. The emptiness is the emptiness that does not hinder the existence, and it is empty yet always existent. The existence is the existence that does not hinder the emptiness, and it is existent yet always empty. Put in this way, being is non-being, it is to discard the extreme of being; emptiness is non-emptiness, it is to discard the extreme of emptiness. The existence and the emptiness embrace each other completely without violating each other. Namely, as the sūtra says, to have a profound understanding of interdependent origination, and to eliminate the false view, a person will not get stuck with two extremes of being and emptiness. Because of the causes and conditions, Dharmas come into being. Because of the causes and conditions, Dharmas go into extinction. If a person realizes this point, he will soon attain the Buddhahood[103]. On the way towards the Enlightenment, one who follows the practice of an ordinary person is easy to be deluded by the existence, while one who goes after the practice of the sage is easy to be deluded by the emptiness. The Bodhisattva's practice is neither the practice of an ordinary person nor the practice of that of a sage.

The emptiness and the existence encompass each other totally; it is not dual yet dual. The emptiness and the existence are distinguished from each other; it is dual yet non-dual. Therefore, to discard both sides of emptiness and existence and at one time expunge all faults, the mind will depend on nothing. This level of Śamatha and Vipaśyanā will gain the insight of harmonious interfusion between principle (Li 理) and phenomena (shih 事). This contemplation is called the Mahāyāna final teaching.

4. The Transcendence of Words and Insights

It means that the path of verbal communication comes to an end and the course of mental activity tends toward elimination. All Dharmas are of the character of extinction, which is beyond description. Dharmas transcend beyond all meditation and practice. As the sūtra says that there will be no bodhi if the truth has been realized. This implies that a person who understands the truth is supposed to have attained the Enlightenment, so there will be no more Enlightenment for him to accomplish. For instance, the silence of (Vimalakīrti 維摩) is one way of expounding the teaching, that is, to reveal the truth that is beyond verbal explanation by the unspoken words. This kind of silence goes beyond the sphere of logical thinking, but belongs to the realm of intrinsic intuition.

The transcendence of words and insights aims to release the deluded mind. It is to free the sentient beings from the bondage of emotion and feeling, like melting the ice, like wiping off the clouds to see the bright sun. Only the enlightened one can understand and respond to this approach, and it has nothing to do with verbal communication. The silent answer of Vimalakīrti is to express that the truth comes from the end of speaking; no speaking is speaking. No speaking as speaking is the mode of contemplation that excludes the emotion. This is the approach for the Mahāyāna instant teaching.

5. The Hua-yen Samādhi

The Hua-yen Samādhi is the worldview of Hua-yen One Vehicle Teaching, which elaborates the complete harmony of Dharma realm. According to Wang-chin-huan-yuan-kuan[104], the free independent function of the completely luminous Dharma realm is Hua-yen Samādhi. It means to fulfill the myriad practice extensively, in accordance with truth to act virtuously. The virtue will pervade throughout the universe and the bodhi shall be attained.

Whoever wants to understand the origination of the Dharma realm, first of all, he should grasp that Dharmas have no substantial essence. Any Dharma is from interdependent origination, not from its own nature. Because of lacking self-nature, the existence is illusionary being. Due to the interdependent origination, there is the existence. Due to the interdependent origination, there is nothingness. Therefore, the interdependent origination is being or nothingness. The interdependent origination is not being or not nothingness. Put in this way,“one”is not one;“one”is one or not one.“Many”is not many;“Many”is many or not many, nor many, neither not many. Therefore, it is many; it is one. It is many; it is not many. It is one; it is not one. As the sūtra says,“From the one to understand the infinite (many), and from the infinite to understand the one, transformation after transformation produces the unreal, the wise has no fear at all.”Again the sūtra says,“From one Dharma to understand many Dharmas, from many Dharmas to understand one Dharma. Each of them encompasses one another and interrelates to one another”[105]. The Dharmas come into being instantaneously without the sequence of the prior and the posterior. All of the Dharmas are in one and complete harmony to include one another. Nevertheless, attainment of the insight of Hua-yen Samādhi depends on the practice as the method of cultivation, not the speculative thinking. Sou-hsuan-chi[106] points out, as far as the practice is concerned, the practice is to reach the Hua-yen Samādhi. Hua-yen Samādhi is concluded as the Mahāyāna complete teaching.

In sum, the Hua-yen Five Teachings is the entry to realize the Dharma realm, sequentially from the shallow to the deep, and gradually towards the advanced level. From the viewpoint of practice, the progress made during the process will be realized. Fa-tsang's Hua-yen-yu-hsi-fa-chieh-chi[107] (The Hua-yen treatise of the mind strolling in the Dharma Realm) was written based on the inspiration of Hua-yen Five Teachings. Fa-tsang wrote the verses“As the mind is strolling in the Dharma realm like in the void space, the realm of Buddhahood will be experienced.”The strolling mind is the wisdom to discern, while the Dharma realm is the wonderful truth to be discerned. As long as we confirm to truth completely in the practice, we can conclude many paths into the ocean of wisdom. The ocean can swallow all the filthy stuff without changing its own flavor. Similarly, as anyone is able to learn according to Hua-Yen five teachings, with the strong determination, his mind will be as immense as the ocean.

(4) The Contemplation of Hua-yen Dharma Realm

The Dharma realm origination is the pivotal thought of the Hua-yen sūtra, the main principles of Hua-yen philosophy and the foundation of Tu-shun's thinking. Tu-shun's idea on the contemplation of Dharma realm was very famous. His work Fa-chieh-kuan-men (Dharma Realm contemplative approach) is precise and profound. Fa-chieh-kuan-men is essential to the doctrine of Hua-yen School. The Hua-yen patriarchs Chih-yen, Fa-tsang, Cheng-kuan and Tsung-mi all were inspired by Fa-chieh-kuan-men. Tu-shun was regarded as the Hua-yen first patriarch because of his work about the contemplation of Dharma realm.

Lately, some scholars have pointed out that Fa-chieh-kuan-men was collected in the chapter four of“Indicating virtues”in the book Hua-yen-fa-bodhi-hsi-chang (華嚴發菩提心章)[108] (Hua-yen treatise of setting the mind on the bodhi) written by Fa-tsang.

In fact, the chapter on“Indicating virtues”has five parts, except three sections of Fa-chieh-kuan-men, it includes the fourth section“the contemplation of the emptiness of rūpa”and the fifth section“the meaning on the complete fusion of principle and phenomena”. Hua-yen-fa-bodhi-his-chang does not emphasize the chapter four of “Indicating virtues”, but focus on the chapter one“setting the mind on the bodhi”, the chapter two“summarizing the teaching”and chapter three“pointing out the fault”. Chapter four just quotes Fa-chieh-kuan-men to explain the characters of setting the mind on the bodhi.

The book Fa-chieh-kuan-men, which is ascribed to Tu-shun, literally means the Dharma Realm Contemplative Approach, including three major parts: the contemplation of true emptiness, the contemplation of non-obstruction between principle and phenomena, and the contemplation of total pervasion and accommodation.

In order to explain the applications of the three contemplations, the fourth patriarch Cheng-kuan listed ten pairs of items that are in the scope of our discernment into the true emptiness, non-obstruction of phenomena and principle, and total pervasion and accommodation. They are things like:

(1) Teaching vs. Meaning (教義一對): Teaching is what can be elucidated verbally, and Meaning is what is explained by the teaching.

(2) Principle vs. Phenomena (理事一對): Principle is the eternally unchanged essence of truth, and phenomena are the changing appearance of the existence.

(3) The Object of Discernment vs. Prajña (境智一對): The object of discernment is what has been discerned, and the Prajñā is the wisdom to discern.

(4) Practice vs. The Level of Practice (行位一對): Practice is the cultivation and actualization, and the level of practice is the progressive status.

(5) Cause and Fruition (因果一對): Cause is the practice before fruition, and fruition is the final result by perfecting the practice.

(6) Dependent Rewarding vs. Direct Rewarding (依正一對): The dependent rewarding is where the reincarnation is relocated, and the direct rewarding is the result of reincarnation, such as being reborn as human beings, animals and etc…

(7) Essence vs. Function (體用一對): Essence is the unchangeable quality, and function is the application in response.

(8) Person vs. Dharma (人法一對): Person is the subject who is capable of knowing and discerning, and Dharma is the object to be known and discerned.

(9) Resistance vs. Compliance (逆順一對): During the process of teaching, there are two ways, in accord with the student's nature or against it to teach.

(10) Moving and Response (感應一對): During the process of teaching, there is interaction such as, to respond to the sentient beings that have different propensity and inclination, and to move the sentient beings that are able to understand the teaching.

First of all, the view in regard to true emptiness is not a nihilistic or negative perspective. Instead, it is the insight based on prajñā, which aims to discern that rūpa (material form) is emptiness and emptiness is rūpa. All Dharmas are not substantially available. The insight of true emptiness can be constructed from every and each phenomenon. The contemplation of true emptiness in Tu-shun's view is parallel to Cheng-kuan's“Dharma realm of principle”in the book Fa-chieh-hsuan-ching (The Dharma Realm profound mirroring)[109].

Secondly, as to the contemplation of non-obstruction between principle and phenomena, it means that principle is formless and is inside the phenomena. Since all phenomena are without self-nature but from the interrelated conditions, the principle of emptiness is what the phenomena are based upon. Principle of emptiness is identical to phenomenal appearance. Principle and phenomena are not obstructive to each other. That is, one and the same thing with two meanings, it comes with the names of li (principle) and shih (phenomena). Li and shih are co-existent in one and the same thing, are therefore called non-obstruction. In Fa-chieh-hsuan-ching (The Dharma Realm profound mirroring), Cheng-kuan's“non-obstructive Dharma realm of principle and phenomena”is parallel to this insight.

Thirdly, as to the contemplation of total pervasion and accommodation, it means that all phenomena imply the principle, and the principle is pervasive in all phenomena. The principle is universal and pervasive. When the principle is implied in all phenomena, it can accommodate all phenomena extensively. A diversity of meanings is also based on the universal and the pervasive. In the world of phenomena, we see different appearances, but on the ontological level, the principle is pervasive universally and without hindrance. Therefore, the principle is encompassed into the phenomena, and the phenomenon is not other than the principle. Therefore, the phenomenon is identical to the principle. Even a tiny hair-top is equipped with the universal and pervasive principle. This contemplation is parallel to Cheng-kuan's Dharma realm of non-obstruction between phenomenon and phenomenon, viz., the principle is pervasive and consists of all phenomena, and thus, there is no obstruction among phenomena. A small chart here may be useful for the purposes of showing the contrast between Tu-shun's three contemplations of Dharma realm[110] and Cheng-kuan's four Dharma realms.

Tu-shun's Three Contemplation of Dharma Realm | Cheng-kuan's Four Contemplation[111] of Dharma Realm
| Dharma Realm of Phenomena
The Contemplation of True Emptiness | Dharma Realm of Principle
The Contemplation of Non-obstruction of Principle and Phenomen | Dharma Realm of Non-obstruction of Principle and Phenomena
The Contemplation of Total Pervasion and Accommodation | Dharma Realm of Non-obstruction between Phenomenon and Phenomenon

The appearances of phenomenal world consist of a great variety. Any of these appearances can be the object for contemplation or discernment. It was perhaps because of this reason that Tu-shun skipped Dharma realm of phenomena in the list.

Tu-shun's Wu-chiao-chih-kuan (Five teachings in Śamatha and Vipaśyanā) had inspired the second Hua-yen patriarch Chih-yen and third patriarch Fa-tsang to develop a P'an-chiao (doctrinal classification) system of Hua-yen School. The Hua-yen fourth patriarch Cheng-kuan and the fifth patriarch Tsung-mi all made the commentaries on Tu-shun's Fa-chieh-kuan-men (Dharma Realm contemplative approach), and they also developed their own philosophy by revising the thought of Tu-shun.

B. The Second Patriarch Chih-yen

(1) Biographical sketch

The second patriarch of Hua-yen was Master Chih-yen (C.602-668 A.D.). His thought is seen by scholar as a particularly instructive example of the sinification of Buddhism.[112] Besides, he is also seen“as an instructive example of the process of conceptual change within religious traditions.”He was known as Yun-fa (雲華) monk for he had lectured the sūtra in Yun-fa (cloud flourishing) temple. He was also named as Chih-hsiang (至相) sage for he had converted and taught many disciples in Chih-hsiang (ultimate fact) temple. He was extremely intelligent and outstanding. He could memorize the sūtras just by reading and reciting once.

As according to traditions Tu-shun was a religious man of many parts, a meditation master, popular thaumaturge, teacher of the Hua-yen sūtra, and the author of Kuan-men, it may not be impossible to assume that discipleship under so compelling and multifaceted a figure was, for Chih-yen, a rich experience.[113]

According to later details of Hua-yen tradition's own account, Chih-yen appears to have been accorded the status of its second patriarch for two basic reasons, not only in recognition of the intrinsic value of his contributions to Hua-yen thought but also because he was both the most important follower of the man whom it chose as its third.[114]

Though there are hagiographical embellishments of Chih-yen, such as his miraculous birth, pious infancy, and prodigious talents, yet historically speaking there is little doubt about the fact that during the years of his novitiate Chih-yen was not only the disciple of Tu-shun but he also continued to revere him in his later life. Not long after Chih-yen was ordained to be a novice, he stood and vowed in front of the Tripi.taka. He got the Hua-yen sūtra first when taking a draw from the Tripi.taka. He then headed for Mt. Chung-nan (終南) to follow monk Tu-shun. He became the disciple of Tu-shun and learned all his essential doctrines. Tu-shun taught Chih-yen his collection on Insights into Dharma and also required him to give a lecture after learning. We are told that“Chih-yen was so faithful a disciple to his master that his own career was a vehicle for the preservation of Tu-shun's lineage.”[115] Chih-yen was determined to understand and develop those teachings. Occasionally, he met an unusual monk, who told him,“If you decided to realize the doctrines of Hua-yen one vehicle Dharma Realm, the six characteristics found in everything-whole and parts, unity and diversity, entirety and fractions-are essential to understanding. The six characteristics are put in Ten Stages Daśabhūm, the ten stages of Mahāyāna Bodhisattvas development). Do not stay lazy and careless! Just concentrate on understanding them within one or two months, you will realize by yourself.”[116] This monk disappeared as soon as his words were done. Chih-yen started studying immediately, in less than one month; he totally comprehended the main doctrines of the Hua-yen sūtra. He was twenty-seven at that time. In (C.628 A.D.), he went to Chih-hsiang temple. He wrote the Hua-yen-ching-sou-hsuan commentaries and notes in five volumes and named them the Hua-yen-ching-sou-hsuan-chi.[117] He clarified Six Characteristics, unfolded Ten Mysterious Gates, and established five divisions of the Buddha's teachings: Hīnayāna, primary Mahāyāna, final Mahāyāna, the immediate teaching, and the perfect teaching.

We are told that there was a strict self-disciplinarian monk called Huei-Iou (慧祐) in the capital city Chung-fu (崇福) temple. He admired Master Chih-yen's virtues very much and took training under Master Chih-yen on the Hua-yen sūtra. Every night and early morning, Huei-Iou burned the incense and chanted the (Presence of Tathāgata 出現品) piously. After a while, he began to always see ten and more Bodhisattvas bouncing out of the ground. All the Bodhisattvas were in golden manifestation with clasped palms, emitting light, sitting on the lotus throne, and listening to this chanting. When the chanting was over, Bodhisattvas disappeared all together.[118] In (C.659 A.D.), Master Chih-yen lectured on the Hua-yen sūtra in Yun-fa temple. The school of Hua-yen became well-known and vigorously developed all over the country. Monks and lay followers, recluses and lay folks all came to rely on and pay respect to him.

At the age of seventeen, Fa-tsang left his parents to seek Dharma in Mt. Tai-bai. Later Fa-tsang heard that his parents were sick, so he returned to the capital city Chang-an. At midnight in Yun-fa temple of the capital city Chang-an, Master Chih-yen saw holy light illuminating the temple. He said in admiration,[119]“It is supposed that there will be an extraordinary man to come and further the great teachings of the Buddha.”Next morning, Fa-tsang came to Yun-fa temple, prostrating himself and paying respect to Master Chih-yen. Master had some questions to test Fa-tsang, whose answers were all good enough to surprise him. Master said,“Even the bhikkhu can not answer so well, why mind letting this virtuous lay follower to speak out what he sees and thinks!”Master Chih-yen was told that this lay follower lived a modest life in a remote cloudy mountain, and he had been studying the Hua-yen sūtra by himself and in order to see the Master in person he had come there. Fa-tsang understood the wonderful interpretation by Chih-yen, and treated him as his true Master. Chih-yen was also very glad that he had the right person Fa-tsang to continue his doctrines.

In (C.662 A.D.), Chih-yen had two disciples from Shinlo Korea, I-hsiang (義湘) and Yuan-hsiau (元曉). Both of them slept over night on the old deserted graveyard when they just came to China in Tang dynasty. Yuan-hsiau understood the doctrine of mind-only idealism, so he soon went back to Korea. I-hsiang was willing to become Chih-yen's follower, and studied together with Fa-tsang. In (C.668 A.D.), before the perfect rest of Master, Fa-tsang was still a lay follower. Master told his disciples Tau-chiang (道成) and Bo-chen (薄塵),[120]“This virtuous man devoted himself to studying the Hua-yen sūtra, generally, he can grasp it without teachers. To expend the doctrines of the Hua-yen, he is the one to rely on. Hopefully, you will ordain him for the rest of your life time.” Master soon dreamed that the platform of prajñā academy turned upside down and the banner fell down. He told all disciples,[121]“I am going to a clean and pure place.”In less than one month, he still kept lecturing the sūtra, then, rested in peace.

I-hsiang extended the teachings of the Hua-yen sūtra to Korea. He was thought of as the primary founder of the Hua-yen School and was named as the Fu-shih (浮石 ) (floating rock) sage. Master Chih-yen rested in peace at the age of seventy-two.

In (C.692 A.D.), when a Korean disciple Sheng-chuang (勝詮) returned to Korea, Sheng-chuang carried Fa-tsang's message to I-hsiang. In the letter, Fa-tsang wrote,“In the numerous previous lives, we had the same cause, now we get the same effect. That is why we are rewarded the same to study the great sūtra. Our Master taught us such a profound sūtra, in terms of the result of studying, we will produce the cause to come. Our Master's commentaries on the sūtra are hard for people to understand because his brief words imply deep meanings, so I made the Notes of meaning to point out the significant ones, which hopefully will extended the teachings of the Hua-yen sūtra to your country by your instruction.”I-hsiang then locked himself in his room, studied in complete seclusion, and was out of his room after two weeks. He called up his disciples Jin-ding (真定), Hsiang-yun (相圓), Liang-yun (亮元) and Biau-shiun (表訓) to lecture the Hua-yen sūtra commentaries (Tan-hsuan-chi 探玄記), and each of them shared ten volumes for teaching. I-hsiang told his disciples,“The man to make me well-learned is Master Fa-tsang. The people to inspire me profoundly are all of you. You should encourage one another, and be honest to yourself.”Because of the transforming power of Master Fa-tsang on Dharma teachings, the doctrines of the Hua-yen were widely spread in the Korean peninsula. His extraordinary virtues and deeds were recorded in the Thaumaturgy stories.[122]

(2) The Innovation of the Hua-yen Teaching by Chih-yen

Chih-yen became Tu-shun's disciple at the age of twelve. Chih-yen was very intelligent and eager to learn; he had been seeking for instruction everywhere and studied the Hua-yen sūtra with monk Chih-cheng at the Chih-hsiang (至相) Temple. Chih-yen was inspired by the Notes of Hua-yen sūtra, which was authored by Huei-kuang (慧光), one amongst the Teachers of Di-lun (地論 Daśabhūmika-sūtra-śāstra). By studying the Hua-yen sūtra, Chih-yen understood the distinctive one vehicle teaching of the Hua-yen sūtra and the Dharma realm infinite interdependent origination. Chih-yen had the innovation on reviewing the Hua-yen sūtra, such as (Ten Mysterious Gates 十玄門), The Meaning of Six Characteristics (六相義), by which Chih-yen set up the theoretical foundation for the Hua-yen tenet.

2.1. The Meaning of Six Characteristics (六相義)

Six Characteristics[123] was expounded on the basis of the Hua-yen sūtra's Dharma realm interdependent origination (法界緣起). According to this, all phenomena of the universe have the six characteristics: the total (總) and particular (別), the identical (同) and different (異), the constructing (成), and deconstructing (壞).

The One includes many parts, is therefore called the total. The many individual parts are not the One, are therefore called the particular. The many individual parts do not violate one another and becomes unification, are thus, called the identical. Among the many, there are particular parts, thus called the different. All the conditions interact at the same time, are therefore, and called the constructions. All the conditions remain in their own initial positions, are, thus, called the deconstructions.

In order to explain the six characteristics, it may be helpful here to take an example. For the purposes of an illustration, we may take the example of a country. The country represents the characteristic of totality, which consists of land, people, national defense, and sovereignty. The land, people, national defense, and sovereignty represent the characteristics of particularity. The land, people, national defense, and sovereignty all are the elements that go into the forming of a country, so they represent the characteristic of the identical. The land is not the people, and the people are not the land. The national defense is not the sovereignty, and the sovereignty is not the national defense. They represent the characteristic of difference. The land, people, national defense, or sovereignty is of equal importance in the organization of a country, so this is the characteristic of construction. Neither the land nor the people are the country. Similarly, neither the national defense nor the sovereignty is the country. As each condition stays in its own position, this is the characteristic of deconstruction.

Every interdependent origination comprises various parts as the total, and every part is related to each other to become an identity (the identical). Due to every part, the interdependent origination is able to construct one Dharma realm (constructing). In contrast, the particular, the different and deconstructing are to mean that in the interdependent origination, every part is particular and different. Various parts are related to one another, but when they do not interact with one another, it is deconstructing.

The six characteristics: the total and particular, the identical and different, the constructing and deconstructing, every two characteristics in each pair seem to be opposite while supporting and manifesting each other. The six characteristics are mutually supplementary and become instantaneously sufficient to one another. The meaning of six characteristics has enriched the theory of Interdependent Origination of the Hua-yen sūtra.

2.2. Ten Mysterious Gates (十玄門)

The theory of ten mysterious gates[124] is to further develop the concept of the Infinite Interdependent Origination in the light of the Hua-yen sūtra. Ten Mysterious Gates elucidates that all Dharmas mutually encompass and include one another in time and space. One Dharma includes all Dharmas. In each and every Dharma, there exist infinite Dharmas, namely, one is all, and all is one. To keep repeating this theme and explain the Interdependent Origination is limitless without obstruction. The name “shih-hsuan-men”(Ten mysterious gates) is created by Chih-yen himself in Hua-yen-yi-seng-shih-hsuan-men, but Fa-tsang also had his own theory of ten mysterious gates in Hua-yen-ching-tan-hsuan-chi. As to the name of the ten mysterious gates, Chih-yen's innovation of ten mysterious gates is called Old (古) ten mysterious gates and Fa-tsang's is called New (新) ten mysterious gates. Chih-yen was posthumously recognized as the second Hua-yen patriarch, and his important works includes Hua-yen-sou-hsuan-chi.[125]

(3) One Vehicle Ten Mysterious Gates of the Hua-yen (華嚴一乘十玄門)

In the Hua-yen sūtra, cause (因) (hetu) refers to the myriad practice for the preparation of Enlightenment, while the fruition (果) (phala) refers to the realization of Enlightenment. The myriad practice is the cause that leads to the fruition of Enlightenment. Furthermore, the Interdependent Origination is applied by Chih-yen to expound the relation and process between myriad practice (cause) and Enlightenment (fruition); the cause and fruition are interfused into each other. This is mentioned by Chih-yen in the One vehicle ten mysterious gates as follows:

Regarding the view of Interdependent Origination, the Dharma realm One Vehicle Interdependent Origination is different from that of the Mahāyāna and two vehicles (śrāvaka 聲聞 and Pratyeka-Buddha 緣覺), which simply hold the erroneous views in regard to the substantiality of the self, the permanence of the existence and the nihilistic annihilation. According to the Hua-yen tenet, it is claimed that one is all, and there are no faults that cannot be eliminated, and there are not Dharmas that are not the same.

To understand the Interdependent Origination in terms of the Hua-yen sūtra, it is to say that the interdependent origination is the cause and fruition in its own being of the formation. The cause means the cultivation in accordance with the conditions and practice with expedient and skillful means. To fulfill all the practice as the causes throughout all Dharma realms and reach the highest level of Bodhisattva's Path is what Sāmantabhadra aims to do. The fruition means attaining the complete tranquility with the annihilation of all desires, represented by the ten Buddhas'realms that one is all. The ocean of ten Buddhas' world and the Detachment from the World[126] is to elucidate the meaning of ten Buddhas'realms.

It has been asked that, as Mañjuśrī is the practitioner in the causal stage, then why say that Sāmantabhadra is the practitioner in the causal stage? The answer is that the beginning of the Enlightenment initiates from the subtle wisdom represented by Mañjuśrī but consummates in the perfection of all the merits represented by Sāmantabhadra. Therefore, Mañjuśrī is hidden and only Sāmantabhadra is mentioned. The initiation beginning from Mañjuśrī and the consummation ending in Sāmantabhadra tends to explain thoroughly the beginning and the completion of Interdependent Origination. Now, to distinguish between the cause and fruition, the perfection of the fruition of Buddhahood is beyond description, so it cannot be explained verbally. The cause is to show the expedient and skillful means of practice without violating the conditions; therefore, it needs to be interpreted to some extent. It is pointed out that the chapter of the Inconceivable Quality of the Buddha[127] also elucidates the merits of fruition, then why discuss the fruition at the causal level? It is answered that this kind of merit of fruition is relatively distinguished by its conditions, and it is not the ultimate and complete one, therefore, it is put at the causal level. Now, as far as the teaching is concerned, to explain the Interdependent Origination from its own being, there are two aspects, one is to elucidate the Dharma through simile, the other is to elucidate the Dharma for understanding the principle.

Illustration of the Dharma through simile (譬辨):

One could perhaps cite an example of the best simile for such an explanation from the chapter of Bodhisattvas Gathering in Suyāma Heaven.[128] Here, it is explained like the counting of numbers from one to ten, adding ones up to the infinity; all of them are the original numbers, but at the same time differentiated by the intellect. Now, taking the number counting as the simile, there are two aspects to see: (1) Each condition is different from the others in the Interdependent Origination, and (2) Each condition similarly interacts with the others and becomes part of whole completion in the Interdependent Origination.

1. Each condition is different from the others in the Interdependent Origination (異體門)

From this perspective, we will discuss (1) one contains many and many contain one. (2) One is identical to many and many are identical to one.

(1) One contains many and many contain one: According to the Hua-yen sūtra, from the one to understand the many, from the many to understand the one, the one and the many interdependently exist, so both of them are not real, but the wise cannot be confused. This is to describe the phenomena of Dharmas in the Interdependent Origination. (2) One is identical to many, and many are identical to one. According to the Hua-yen sūtra, when the Bodhisattvas attain the seventh abode of the Path, the one is identical to the many and the many are identical to the one. All are equal in the state of calmness and extinction (Nirvā.na), avoiding the delusive appearances of the one and the different, and this is called the Bodhisattva remaining in the progressive position without backsliding. This explains the principle or noumenon of Interdependent Origination.

First of all,“One contains many and many contain one”will be interpreted by counting numbers from one to ten. It is either counted up from one to ten or counted down from ten to one. As for“one”,“one”contains ten due to the dependent arising, “one”has its identity as“one”, without“ten”, it is impossible for“one”to be“one”, which is devoid of self-nature but dependent arising. In one there are ten that are why one can be one; two, three, four and so forth ….all are in the formation in terms of one. If one remains with its own nature, ten could not be formed; if ten could not be established, neither could one.

It is asked that since each and every component has no self-nature, how could the one and the many be formed? It is answered that this is indeed due to the true virtue of Interdependent Origination of Dharma realm, which accords with the realm of Sāmantabhadra, so one and many always stay neither increasing nor decreasing. According to the (Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa 維摩詰經),[129] all Dharmas are established from a non-abiding basis. As mentioned in the (Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā 中論), it is emptiness that makes the existence of all Dharmas possible. From this aspect to view the Dharma realm, is it exhaustive or inexhaustible? It is exhaustive in one sense but also inexhaustible in another sense. One in ten is exhaustive; ten in one, all are counted, is inexhaustible. The simile of number counting helps in explaining the sense of the exhaustive as well as the inexhaustible in the Interdependent Origination.

Secondly, to explain that one is identical to many, and many is identical to one, like what has been done before, is to count up from one to ten or to count down from ten to one. Counting up from one to ten, one is identical to ten because one and ten are interdependently established. If one were not ten, ten could not be established. Counting down from ten to one is the same, that is, ten is identical to one because ten and one are interdependently established. If ten were not one, one could not be established. It is asked: why is it that if one is not established, ten will not be established, either? It is answered that if there are no pillars, then there will not be the house, and if there is the house, there must be the pillars, so the pillars are identical to the house. In sum, there is the house and there are the pillars as well. One is identical to ten, and ten is identical to one. Therefore, one is established, so are ten. It is may be asked that if one is ten and there is no ten without one, how is it said that one and ten are in the same identity and established because of their identity? The answer is that one being ten is not one? This is not answered according to the feeling but the understanding of dependent arising. This is because the interdependently established one is not the one of the common sense. The Hua-yen sūtra even says that one even is not one, which intends to destruct all of the numbers. The people who are shallow-minded insist that one should definitely be one.

The difference between“one contains ten”and“one is identical to ten”has been inquired. The answer is:“one in ten”as mentioned previously means that there is not ten without one, but ten is not one.“One is ten”means that there is not ten without one, and ten is one by virtue of the dependent arising. One and many are established by conditions, and are they established simultaneously or sequentially?

It is answered that one and many are established in terms of Interdependent Origination, which is simultaneous but successive. Why it is so? One is identical to ten and ten is identical to one, so one and many are simultaneously established. Counting up from one to ten or counting down from ten to one, so it is successive with the prior and the posterior. It is asked again: since there is the prior and the posterior between one and ten, then there is increase and decrease, why say that they maintain their original features? Although“from one to ten”or“from ten to one”has the sequence of the prior and the posterior, they remain unmoved. This simile is to explain that the phenomena of the existence appear without showing any characteristic of separate condition. In other words, one is identical to ten, but the“one”never change its characteristic. That is, one is many yet without displacing its oneness. The characteristic of“one”is not understood from the feeling or the common sense. This situation is the same as“many”.“Many”is identical to one without violating the characteristic of“many”. We do not understand the nature of“many”from the feeling.

Again, it may be asked that since one and many are interdependently established, this is different from our ordinary thinking. Do one and many exist inherently or have an origin? As far as the inherent existence is concerned, is the inherent existence of one and many distinguished in terms of the intellect or in terms of one itself and many itself From“one”itself and“many”itself to view the inherent existence, without the judgment by intellect, all arguments will come to an end. This is equal to the ultimate and complete fruition of Enlightenment, which is beyond description. Now, if one and many is distinguished, they are made different in terms of the intellect. The Hua-yen sūtra says that one and many are differentiated by the intellect, and the wise has no fear. From the perceptions of the intellect, there is the difference between one and many. Then, it may be asked that is the inherent existence of one and many distinguished by the intellect? The answer is that it is like the space in the room, when the door is opened, the space is inherently in existence. According to the Nirvā.na sūtra,[130] as soon as the Buddha Nature is realized, the Enlightenment is not in the category of the past, the present and the future, but transcends the limit of time. Further it may be asked that does the Buddha Nature have an origin or not? The answer is: When it is seen, it has the existence, and when it is not seen, it does not have the existence, so it also can be viewed as having an origin. If the intellect shows that the inherent existence is the same as non-inherent existence when one itself and many itself are perceived by the intellect, then, is the illuminating of the intellect the same as non-illuminating? The existence is originally inherent, not from the illuminating by the intellect. If in the beginning the existence is not displayed, when illuminated by the intellect, there will be the existence. Therefore, it is clear to understand that the illumination is the same as non-illumination. All Dharmas are something like this.

2. Each condition similarly interacts with the others and is part of the whole completion in the Interdependent Origination (同體門).

From this viewpoint, we may explain“In the one, there is the many; in the many, there is the one.”and“the one is the many; the many is the one”By the simile of counting number, we only talk about one and ten. Either counting up or down, there are ten ways for each (逆順各具十門).

In the one, there is the ten. This is due to the Interdependent Origination. One cannot be established without ten, so is two and three. It is equally applied to“In the ten, there is the one.”

What is the difference between“each condition is different from the others”and “each condition similarly interacts with the others”? From the perspective that each condition is different from the others,“In the one, there is the ten”means to expect the coming nine, so called“In the one, there is the ten”. From the perspective that each condition similarly interacts with the others,“In the one, there is the ten”means“In the one, there is the nine”, so called“In the one, there is the ten”.

If in the one there is the nine, what is the difference from“In the one, there is the ten”in regard to each condition being different from the others? In the one, there is the nine, this means that in one itself there is the nine, but one is not the nine. According to“each condition is different from the others”,“The one is the particular ten”means that ten cannot exist without one.

Since in the one it, there are nine, it must not be interdependently established. It is argued,“If it is not interdependently established, how can nine come into existence?”The question is“How to get nine from one itself?”It is replied that if there is not the nine, then there is not the one.

From this perspective that each condition is part of the whole completion in the Interdependent Origination, the one is the ten. However, it is said that one is one and one is ten because they are interdependently established. Why? The answer is: If the ten is not the one, one cannot be established. Since one is ten, one is two, three, too. It is asked that one itself is ten, and what is the difference from“in the one, there is the ten”according to each condition being part of the whole completion? According to this viewpoint, in the one, there is the ten, but one is not ten. Here it is said that one itself is ten and ten itself is one, that's making the difference.

It is said that one itself is ten; does this include all Dharmas exhaustively? It is exhaustive or inexhaustible depending on the different perceptions by the intellect. Why? If one includes ten, it is called exhaustive; if expounded completely, it is inexhaustible. It is asked: If one itself is inexhaustible, are the others inexhaustible as well? It is replied that one itself is inexhaustible, so does the others; the others are inexhaustible, so does the one. If one is established, all is established; if one is not established, neither is all established. By this way, all is infinitely interrelated in terms of one being established.

(4) The Application of Ten Mysterious Gates and Ten Scopes (約法以會理者十門)

To understand the principle of Interdependent Origination from the perspective of Dharmas, there are ten profound principles known as the Shih-suan-men (literally, “the ten mysterious gates”).

1. The gate of simultaneous completion and mutual correspondence (同時具足相應門).

This is to explain the sequence of dependent arising without the prior and the posterior. This principle is the head of the nine other gates. All of the existence are simultaneously completing and mutually corresponding, which is reflected in the Oceanic Seal Samādhi. In the great Enlightenment of the Buddha, the infinite appearances of the phenomenal world in the space and time are reflected in his mind. It is like on the peaceful ocean where everything is reflected. Let us take the cause and fruition to explain this principle of mutual co-existence According to the Hīnayāna teaching; the fruition is attained only when the cause is matured, namely, turning the cause to the result. According to the Mahāyāna teaching, the cause and the fruition is simultaneous, but does not display the infinite dependent arising. The Hua-yen School elucidates the relationship, between the cause and fruition and holds that all Dharmas are established simultaneously, if there is one Dharma that is not established, then name of all Dharmas are established.

2. The gate of the realm of Indra's net (因陀羅網境界門).

The Indra's net is the simile to describe the interacting among all Dharmas in the Interdependent Origination. All the Dharmas interact and subordinate to one another to the infinite, which is like the reflection of the pearls in the Śakrādevānam Indra's palace. Each and every pearl in the Indra's net reflects one another. It is like the numerous mirrors that reflect one another in the Indra's net. All the shadows of the mirror show up in one mirror, and every mirror in turn reflects many shadows. As a result, it comes with multiple reflections that produce an infinity of infinities.

3. The gate of the co-establishment between what is concealed and what is revealed (秘密隱顯俱成門).

From the perspective of conditions in the Interdependent Origination, what is concealed and what is revealed are co-established. Since the Dharmas are subordinate to one another, there are the hidden and the obvious of their existence. It is like the metaphor of the moon in the Nirvā.na sūtra,“The moon is seen full from one side, while it is seen half from another side, yet the moon itself is neither empty nor full.” The Hua-yen School tends to illustrate that“the existence is always increasing or decreasing while it is always not increasing nor decreasing. It is because everything in existence is interrelated to one another simultaneously.”

4. The gate of the encompassing of the minute in the coexistence of the Dharmas (微細相容安立門).

This is to explain the features of dependent arising. For example, a tiny atom is the small feature, while the infinite Buddha lands and Sumeru Mountain are the big features. The Interdependent Origination itself is freely encompassing all Dharmas without obstruction, and even a tiny atom is compatible with the huge Sumeru Mt. in the existence. Further, it is like in the tiny atom, there is filthy land and there is the indescribable pure land as well; the filthy and the pure do not hinder each other. The pure one still keeps its clean feature. The chapter of Sāmantabhadra practice says,[131] “All things of the world enter into a tiny atom, all things in the world do not aggregate or dismiss. If we can act in accordance with the virtue of Sāmantabhadra, we can see the indescribable land in a tiny atom without disorder, without increasing or decreasing.”

5. The gate of the different formation of separate Dharmas in ten ages (十世隔法異成門).

This is to categorize the time of dependent arising. Ten ages means that the past, the present and the future all together count as three ages, and each age as the starting point to count, each again has three ages. Therefore, that is nine ages in total. The so called ten ages plus the instant moment at present and those makes it ten ages. Three ages seem to have the order of the priority and the posteriority. The ten ages are interfused with one other and identical to one another without missing its sequence, so called the different formation of separate Dharmas in ten ages. The Hua-yen sūtra says,[132]“The past is the future, the future is the past, showing the present is coming and going, and Bodhisattvas understand it thoroughly.”The Hua-yen sūtra again says,[133]“The Infinite kalpās is like a moment, and it is neither long nor short. This is like the liberated thoughts and acts.”

6. The repository of the pure and the miscellaneous containing all virtues (諸藏純雜具德門).

This is to explain the practice. In the practice of six pāramitās, just one pāramitā, for example, the practice of dāna pāramitā (the giving) will comprise the other five pāramitās. If we speak in terms of the practice of giving, then all practices are called giving; therefore, it is called“pure”. However, the practice of giving implies the practices of all other pāramitās, so it is called miscellaneous.

7. The mutual inclusion of the one and the many in difference (一多相容不同門).

This is to categorize the principle (noumenon) of dependent arising. The one includes the many, and the many includes one. The one and the many are compatible. One enters many and many enter one, so it is called“mutual inclusion”.

8. All Dharmas are identical to each other while keeping their own independence (諸法相即自在門).

This is to explain the function of Dharmas in the dependent arising. One Dharma includes all Dharmas, making the infinity of infinities; all Dharmas mutually identify and interpenetrate. For example, the past, the present and the future are identical to and interfused with one another in the range of time. The three ranges of time merge together without hindrance. As the Hua-yen sūtra says,[134]“The virtue of an instant thought towards the Enlightenment is immense and infinite, the Tathāgata expounds the Dharma respectively, exhausting the kalpās without ending.”This illustrates the one being all, making the all infinite. The Hua-yen sūtra further says again,“It is especially worthwhile mentioning in the countless kalpās that the Bodhisattvas have been devoted to the practice of all pāramitā and the virtuous deeds of all bhūmi”Each stage of practice is directed to the Enlightenment, namely, from one two three…nine to the infinite. The beginning and the end of the practice are identical and interfused to each other. On the way toward Enlightenment, from the practice level of Ten Beliefs, Ten Abodes, Ten Practices and Ten Dedications, each step elucidates that the beginning and the end are identical and interrelated for whoever has set up his mind to attain the Buddhahood. Every single step is related to the others and to the infinite.

9. The gate that the realization of the goodness depends on the operation of mind (唯心迴轉善成門).

This is to explain the mind in the dependent arising. To be morally good or bad depends on the operation of mind. There is no separate objective realm outside the mind. The Buddha nature is not pure, nor not impure. Being pure or impure all depends on the mind; there is no Dharma outside the mind. Three worlds (Kāma, rūpa and arūpya dhātu) are illusionary, all depend on one mind; the birth and death, Nirvā.na do not go beyond the mind.

10. Illustrating the teaching of Dharma generates the understanding in terms of phenomena (託事顯法生解門).

This is to explain the perception and intellect in the dependent arising. Taking any phenomena to illustrate and include the infinite Dharmas. For example, in Entering the Dharma-dhātu,[135] it is mentioned that when Maitreya opened the door of the magnificent pavilion, Sudhana saw the causal deeds done by Maitreya, leading to the Enlightenment site. The magnificent pavilion reveals the characteristics of the Enlightenment metaphysically in this context. with the phenomena or facts to elucidate the teaching of Dharma and generate the understanding.

As far as the interdependent origination is concerned, Chih-yen lists ten scopes to fit the application of the ten profound principles (ten mysterious gates). Each of the ten principles can cover the following ten scopes which apply to them. As a result, it comes with one hundred scopes to show the multiplicity of the interdependent origination in the suggestion of Chih-yen.

The ten scopes are: (1) Teaching and Meaning (2) Principle and Phenomena (3) Understanding and Practice (4) Cause and Fruition (5) Person and Dharma (6) Divisions of stage and realm in Practice (7) Teaching and Knowledge, Master and Disciple (8) The Principal and the Attributed (9) Accordance and Resistance; Essence and Function. (10) Adaptation to the propensity and inclination of sentient beings.

(1) Teaching and Meaning (教義): Teaching is the teaching of three vehicles (The śrāvaka, Pratyeka-Buddha, and the Mahāyāna) and five vehicles (the Hīnayāna, the Initial, Final, Instant and Complete of Mahāyāna teaching) with their common and particular characteristics. A particular teaching illustrates its particular meaning. However, when the meaning is understood, the teaching is ignored. In the Hua-yen School, teaching is the meaning, teaching and meaning correspond to each other.

(2) Principle and Phenomena (理事): In the teaching of three vehicles, different phenomena illustrate different principles, and that is what so many other sūtras have done. In Hua-yen School, the phenomena are identical to the principle, or noumenon. According to the text of Entering into Dharma-dhātu, the essential reality is the principle, and the manifestation of principle is the phenomena.

(3) Understanding and Practice (解行): The three vehicles have mentioned that understanding without practice is like knowing the name of a person without knowing the person himself. For the Hua-yen School, the practice is identical to the understanding; it is like facing a person without saying his name but knowing him very well.

(4) Cause and fruition (因果): Practice is the cause and the ultimate Enlightenment is the fruition.

(5) Person and Dharma (人法): Mañjuśrī reveals the wonderful wisdom whereas Sāmantabhadra fulfills the practice and good deeds universally, so it is said that the person is the Dharma.

(6) The Divisions of stages and realms in Practice (分齊境位): Each level of practice is related to the other levels without confusion.

(7) Teaching and Knowledge, Master and Disciple (法智師弟): That which develops is the teacher whereas that which being developed is the student.

(8) Bring up one; the principal and the rest become the attribute (諸法相即 自在門): The principal is the subjective or independent while the attribute is dependent or objective.

(9) Accordance and resistance. Essence and function (逆順體用).

(10) Adapting to the inclination and propensity of all sentient beings (隨生根欲性).

To understand the nature of existence, the Interdependent Origination, the Ten Profound Principles (ten mysterious gates) cooperate with one another and all of them cover ten more scopes for their free applications. The Ten Profound Principles are interacting synchronously. Each or anyone of them is pervading the Dharma realm.

The Explanation of Hua-yen One vehicle Interdependent Origination from its own being (華嚴一乘緣起自體法界之詮釋)

A. To elucidate the Dharma through the simile: the number-counting from one to ten. (舉譬門)
B. To elucidate the Dharma for understanding the principles of Interdependent Origination (會理門)
Ten Mysterious Gates (shih-hsuan-men)

(1) From the perspective that each condition is different from the others. (異体門)
(2) From the perspective that each condition is similarly interacts with the others and become parts of the whole completion. (同体門)

(1) The gate of simultaneous completion and mutual correspondence

(2) The gate of the realm of Indra's net

(3) The gate of the co-establishment between what is concealed and what is revealed

(4) The gate of the encompassing of the minute in the co-existence of Dharmas

(5) The gate of the different formation of separate Dharmas in ten ages

(6) The repository of the pure and the miscellaneous containing all virtues

(7) The mutual inclusion of the one and the many in difference

(8) All Dharmas are identical to each other while keeping their own independence

(9) The gate that the realization of the goodness depends on the operation of mind

(10) Illustrating the teaching of Dharmas generates the understanding in terms of phenomena

(a) One contains many; many contain one (一中多，多中一)
(a) One contains many; many contain one. (一中多，多中一)

(b) One is identical to many, many is identical to one. (一即多，多即一)
(b) One is identical to many, many is identical to one. (一即多，多即一)

Each principle above equally applies to ten scopes.

Commenting upon the contribution of the first two patriarchs, it has been pointed out that“the contributions of Tu-shun and Chih-yen to the development of Buddhism in China were both products of a union of fidelity and creativity- fidelity to the essential principles of Buddhism and creativity in the expression of those principles in new forms of thought and practice.”[136] Tu-shun's fidelity was manifested in his commitment to the practice of meditation, in the pastoral zeal with which he promulgated Buddhism, and in the authenticity of his interpretation of basic Buddhist concepts like Śūnyavāda. His creativity showed itself in the manner of his response to the spiritual circumstances of his day, in the methods of his ministry, and especially in his development of new doctrinal motifs like the kuan-men's li and shih. Likewise Chih-yen, as an encyclopedic scholar of Buddhism, was scrupulously faithful to the richness of its traditions. As a Chinese religious thinker, he also creatively transformed elements of the learned Indian traditions he had studied into the rudiments of a quite novel Chinese tradition. In fact, it was Chih-yen's distinctive and most noteworthy feat to have acquired an extraodrinary breadth and depth of learning without ever succumbing to what he learnt. His erudition was never an end in itself; it was always ancillary to his own, characteristically Chinese, interpretation of Buddhism.

C. The Third Patriarch Hsien-shou (Fa-tsang)

(1) Biographical Sketch

The third Hua-yen Patriarch Fa-tsang (C.643-712 A.D.) (Hsien-shou), was titled as Kou-I (國一) Imperial Master (Kou-I meaning“Number One in the Nation”). His surname was Kuang. His ancestors were from Samarkand (康居) and held the ministerial positions for several generations in Samarkand. His grandparents immigrated to and were naturalized in China during the Tang dynasty. His father and younger brother were swallowing sunlight and then conceived Fa-tsang. He was born to be transcendent, at the age of sixteen; Fa-tsang burned one finger to worship the śarīra stūpa at Fa-men (法門) Dharma Gate temple of Chi (岐) state and vowed to understand the Buddha Vehicle. Next year, he made up his mind to look for teachers. He left his parents for Mt. Tai-bai (太白) to seek the way of Dharma and study the sūtras of Mahāvaipulya (方等). Later on, he heard that his parents were displeased, so he was back to look after them. He tried his best to be a dutiful son year after year. At that time, monk Chih-yen was lecturing the Hua-yen sūtra at Yun-fa temple and accepted Fa-tsang as his disciple.

In (C.668 A.D.), when Fa-tsang was twenty-six, he went to the place of Śakyamidora (釋迦彌多羅) sage and accepted the Bodhisattva precepts. People told the sage that this lay follower could recite the Hua-yen sūtra and instruct on the Brahmajāla sūtra (梵網經). The sage admired him and said,“Just for keeping the precepts of Pure Conducts is good enough for the Bodhisattva precepts (菩薩戒), how special that one is who is able to interpret the meaning of sūtra!”

In (C.674 A.D.), when Fa-tsang was twenty-eight, the mother of Queen Wu, Madam Jung-kou (榮國) passed away. Queen Wu wanted to well plant the field of blessed land, so she donated her palace to be the Tai-yuan (太原) temple. Chih-yen's disciples Tao-chiang and Bo-chen had promised Chih-yen to ordain Fa-tsang. Fa-tsang was ordained to be a novice at the Tai-yuan temple. Four years later, the imperial court ordered ten great monks of the capital to give further precepts to Fa-tsang. He took the complete vows to be a monk and was ordained to be the abbot of Tai-yuan temple. Fa-tsang was granted the title of“Hsien shou”(the ablest). He was ordered to lecture the Hua-yen sūtra at Tai-yuan temple by Queen Wu, who also granted Fa-tsang with robes and other necessities on the day of the Dragon Boat festival.

There is an interesting incident that happened five years later in (C.679 A.D.) There was a man named Her Jungsh (何容師) in the Wan-nian county of Yung (雍) state. He had been consuming countless number of chickens as he was addicted to eating chickens and he suddenly died. After death, he was put in the Avici hell (鑊湯獄) and boiled in a hot pot with seven hundred others who had committed similar sins. He sent message back by using his fourth son as the soul medium to speak out for him. He asked Master Fa-tsang to help redeeming sins. Master required him to chant and write the Hua-yen sūtra. The job of writing was completed in one year. The monks were invited to hold a ritual of confession for helping Her Jungsh. People in this assembly saw Her Jungsh and seven hundred others are arriving on the spot to offer their thanks.

The Master always sighed on the incompletely translated sūtra in Jin (晉) dynasty. The same year (C.680 A.D.), Divākara (日照) brought more Sanskrit editions to the capital city. Emperor Kau-Tzung (高宗) issued the matter of sūtra translation by edict in the Wei-kou (魏國) west temple. The Master went to find out the detail. Divākara said,“The chapter missed in the edition of Jin dynasty about the eighth assembly of the Bodhisattvas was brought here, too!”Master then checked with Divākara. They found the contents in which Sudhana (善財) looked for Mahā Iśvara (天主光) and other virtuous friends (善友), totaling ten. The translation then was required to fill in the gap. At the west Tai-yuan Temple, two parts of the missing text in Entry into the Dharma Realm were translated. One part of the text was from the section written about Māyā to the section written about Maitreya. In this text, the story of Maheśvara and nine other virtuous friends was mentioned. Another part of the text was from the Maitreya section to the section of Sudhana attending with many spiritual benefactors like countless ions in a billion-world universe. In this text, it mentioned that Mañjuśrī extended his hand over a hundred and ten yushinu (由旬) unit of measurement, one yushine is equal to forty miles, and laid his hand on Sudhana's head. As a result, this newly revised edition came to have sixty volumes. Under the new assignment from the Emperor, the Master, Divākara, Dau-cheng, Bou-chen and Da-shen-chi (基) translated the (Ghana-Vyūha sūtra 密嚴經), the (Vidyanirdeśa śāstra 顯識論), constituting twenty-four volumes in all. The translation was polished and Hwei-chih (慧智) wrote the preface.

In (C.682 A.D.), a man named Gou Shen-liang (郭神亮) in the Chang-an county of Yung state, who devoted himself to Pure Land belief, died unexpectedly. The devas took him to the inner palace of the Tuśita heaven (兜率天) to pay respect to the Maitreya, and one Bodhisattva asked,“Why do not you recite the Hua-yen sūtra and follow its teachings?”Gou Shen-liang answered that none instructed this sūtra. The Bodhisattva said,“There is Hsien-shou Bodhisattva promoting the teachings of the Hua-yen now, why said none?”

In (C.684 A.D.), Fa-tsang and Divakara translated sutras together at Tai-Yung temple. Fa-tsang asked,“The learned and the virtuous of western countries have done the classifications and analyses of the Buddha's teachings. Are their interpretations reliable or not? Do they divide the ultimate and the provisional?”Divakara answered, “There are two contemporary interpreters in India, one is named Wilabhadra (戒賢), who inherits the doctrines of Maitreya, and Asavga (無著), following Dharmapala (護法) and Nanda (難陀) to establish Fa-hsiang (Dharmalak.sa.na 法相 School). The other is Jbanaprabha (智光), who inherits the doctrines of Mañjuśrī and Nāgārjuna, following Pivgala (青目) and Bhavaviveka (清辨) to establish the Fa-hsing (Dharmata /Dharma nature 法性 School).”The classification of doctrines thereafter was clarified.

Tao-chang and Bo-chen asked,[137]“In the capital city, a man called Wang ming-kan (王明幹) fell to hell after his death. Ti-tsang (地藏) Bodhisattva taught him the verse: If one wants to realize the Buddhas in the past, present, and future, he should have such understanding as the mind creates all the Tathāgatas. Wang went to see Yama (閻王). Yama heard this verse and pardoned him. Three days later, Wang woke up and came back to life. Wang told monk Shen-ding (僧定), and wondered if he could find where this verse was from.”Shen-ding said,“This verse is from the Hua-yen sūtra, the chapter of the Fourth Yama Congregation (夜摩會)”They checked it, and found it was the ten rhymes verse in the Hua-yen sūtra.

In (C.686 A.D.), Master Fa-tsang lectured the Hua-yen sūtra in Tz-en (慈恩) (kindness and mercy) temple. In (C.689 A.D.), Master met Indraprajñā (陀羅般若), who was from Khotan, and told him that Śrama.nera (沙彌) Prajñāmikapra (般若彌伽薄) flew to heaven, chanted the Hua-yen sūtra and was able to defeat the asurās (修羅) in the battlefield. In (C.690 A.D.), the Master was back in Shia (夏) state to see his parents. The state governor came to receive him in the suburb. Next year, Tzen (曾) state governor invited Fa-tsang to lecture the Hua-yen sūtra. Among the audience, there was a heretic who did not believe in the Dharma of the Buddha and did verbal abuse. His body and face were suddenly infected with numerous pimples; his eyebrow and beard were rotten, too. He soon came to ask for pardon. Master Fa-tsang advised him,“You should pay respect to the three precious ones (the Buddha, the Dharma, the Sa^ngha), and chant the Hua-yen sūtra for hundred times, your fault will be pardoned.”He then took Master Fa-tsang's advice and chanted the Hua-yen sūtra. When he had not chanted even fifty times as yet, his body and face were back to normal. In the coming years, Master Fa-tsang lectured the sūtra hundreds and thousands of times at Yun-fa temple. When he was lecturing the sūtra, his mouth emitted bright light, radiating and covering everywhere. In (C.694 A.D.), when lecturing on the Ten Stages Daśabhūmi, the ten stages of the Mahāyāna Bodhisattva development), the heavenly flowers scattered all around and splendid clouds gathered in the sky, full of fragrance and rainbow light.

In (C.695 A.D.), Master Fa-tsang was ordered by Queen Wu to do more translation of the Hua-yen sūtra at eastern capital Da-pein-kuang (大偏空) temple. He worked with Sik.sānanda (實叉難陀), Hung jing (弘景), Tu-che (圖測), Shen-ien (神英) and Fa-bou (法寶). In front of the temple where they translated the sūtra, hundreds of lotuses were blooming up. All translators witnessed such an auspicious scene and worked more diligently. Queen Wu frequented the temple and granted food, drinks and writing materials. Later, this group of people moved to Fo-sou-chi (佛授記) temple and continued the job. In (C.696 A.D.), Master Fa-tsang was invited to lecture the Hua-yen sūtra at Tai-yun temple. In (C.697 A.D.), there were invaders from the western border. Tang dynasty tried to fight back. Master Fa-tsang was recruited by the imperial court to stop the invaders with sūtra-spells tactics. Master took a bath to purify him and dressed in clean robes, and then he set up icons of the eleven-faced Kuan-yin (Ekādaśa-mukha Avalokiteśvara 十一面觀音), and kept reciting Cundi (準提) spells. This spells tactics was exercised for several days. Outside the border of Kuai city, the soldiers of Tang dynasty heard the sound of deva drums. In the county of Liang (良), the rebels saw the picture of Kuan-yin. About one month later, the soldiers defeated the invaders successfully. Master was well rewarded by the imperial court with courtesy.

In (C.699 A.D.), the 8th day of the tenth lunar month, the translation job was completed. All the monks of Fo-sou-chi temple asked Fa-tsang to lecture for them. Fa-tsang started lecturing on the15th of the same month. Legend has it that when in the evening of the 12th of the twelfth month of lunar calendar, when Fa-tsang talked about the part of shaking cosmos of padma-garbhaloka-dhātu (蓮華藏世界海 Hua-yen cosmology), the lecture hall and temple suddenly started shaking and roaring. Monks and lay followers all admired the fact that nothing like this had happened before. Nanda and monks of the Fo-sou-chi temple officially reported this event to the imperial court. Queen Wu replied,“Interpreting the profound words, unfolding and expanding the marvelous magic merits, on the first day of translating, you dreamed of the sweet dew shining the auspicious sign. In the evening of lecturing, you felt the ground shaking to mark the extraordinary event. All of these were the manifestation of Tathāgata, who brought special prayers to the scripture of nine congregations of the Hua-yen Bodhisattvas, it is not due to my mediocrity, how dare I am to receive such an auspicious response!”

The new translation, the sūtra of Tang dynasty added the chapters: Appearance of the Buddha (現相), Sāmantabhadra, the Formation of the World, Vairocana Lotus World (華藏世界), Ten Concentrations (十定). However, this new translation lacked the text about Sudhana, which Divākara had translated. The Master checked the new and the old translations, and he also checked with the Sanskrit texts. He added the translation of Divākara to the texts that Shi Shyue (喜學 Śik.sānada) had skipped. The meaning of the content was finally be completed. The existing edition now is the one that Fa-tsang revised. In the first lunar month of (C.701 A.D.), by the edict of the imperial court, Fa-tsang and Śik.sānada went to the eastern capital San-yang's (三陽) palace to translate the (Lankāvatātra sūtra 楞伽經). Next year, both of them translated the (Mañjuśrī Honors Future Buddhas sūtra 文殊授記經) in Ching-zen (清禪) temple. At that time, an official called Jing Kung (鄭公) had recited the H.rdaya (Heart) sūtra several thousands times, and asked Fa-tsang to explain the meaning to him. Fa-tsang wrote the Praj^nā drift commentary (般若略疏) for him. In (C.703 A.D.), by the edict of the imperial court again, Fa-tsang, I-ching (義淨) and fourteen Chinese and Indian monks, translated the Bhasottama sūtra (金光明最勝王經) and other sūtras of twenty-one sets, one hundred and fifteen volumes in all. The Master was assigned to revise the translation. Next year at the end of winter, all monks gathered to prepare the Hua-yen Dharma assembly in the inner monastery. In the assembly, they saw two śarīra stūpas appearing inside the ice and radiating colorful light. Master Fa-tsang witnessed it and said that it represented all of their virtues. At the time, Queen Wu called Master to Chang-shen (長生 long life) palace and asked about the essential meaning of six characteristics and ten mysteries gates. Master pointed to the golden lion on the palace corner and made an example of this golden lion as an explanation for her. That is: In each and every hair, there is the golden lion. All lions embraced by all the single hairs simultaneously and instantaneously enter a single hair. Thus in each and every hair there are an infinite number of lions, and in addition all the single hairs, together with their infinite number of lions, in turn enter into a single hair. In this way the geometric progression is infinite, like the jewels of Celestial Lord Indra's net. Queen Wu then understood better. Fa-tsang soon presented the (Treatises on the golden lion 金師子章) to Queen Wu.

On an occasion in a question-answer session in the Dharma assembly, it was said that the śarīra in the Chi state was Aśoka's relics, so the imperial court ordered an official Tsuei shiuan-wei (崔玄暐) and Master Fa-tsang to Fa-men temple to bring it back. At that time, the Master was the abbot of Grand Chung-fu (崇福) temple. He, lay follower Mr. Ing, monk Guan-li, along with about ten people went to the śarīra Stūpa of Fa-men temple. They kept worshipping and praying for seven days and nights, then took the śarīra(舍利) and put it on the palm. The śarīra was emitting light, and appeared differently in response to each individual's virtue and kindness. The śarīra was taken to Grand Chung-fu temple on the New Year's Eve, and transported to eastern capital Lo-yang.

In (C.705 A.D.), Master Fa-tsang and Midasan were ordered to translate the (Pure lighting dhāra.nī sūtra 無垢淨光陀羅尼經). This year, Chang I-tz (張易之) rebelled against the imperial court. Master Fa-tsang had been extending the teachings and power of the Dharma, and he also admired the contribution of the Imperial Court. After the rival Chang I-tz was taken over and defeated, Imperial Court granted the Master a ministerial position at the Fung-lu temple. He did not accept this offer and asked for permission to return to his hometown with his younger brother to look after their parents. In the same year during the winter, the Emperor had the Master's merits officially recognized and documented.

In the following year, i.e., in (C.706 A.D.), Fa-tsang and Bodhiruci were ordered to translate the (Matāra.tna kūta sūtra 寶積經) at Chung-fu temple. He was assigned to revise the translation. Two years later in (C.708 A.D.), there was a drought and little rain in mid-summer. Fa-tsang was ordered to call up one hundred monks at Jien-Fu (薦福) temple to pray for rain. One week later, it started raining and the rain rushed down like a river. The imperial court was so grateful and officially announced,[138]“To arrange one hundred Dharma Masters to pray for mercy, to get response in less than ten days, all of your earnestness and sincerity, have all beings dipped in the mercy of Dharma.”In the seventh lunar month, the drought was back, the Dharma Masters prayed for mercy again, and the rain came again. The admiration from imperial court said,“Kind clouds display shadows and the Dharma rain consists of nurturing moisture. With all of the cultivation and holy power of the Masters, the heavy rain began to pour down immediately”Emperor Chung-Tzung recognized Fa-tsang as the Bodhisattva precept Master and granted him the title Imperial Master “Kou-I”(number one of the nation).

In response to the appreciation, Fa-tsang asked the imperial court to build five temples of the Hua-yen. Two were built in the Western and eastern capitals, three were built in Jei-Jiang (浙江) and Jiang-su (江蘇) provinces, Ching-liang mountain. People called Fa-tsang Great Vehicle Dharma Master Hua-yen Monk. Later, Fa-tsang and I-ching translated the (Seven Buddha bhaisaiyaguru sūtra 七佛藥師經) together.

In (C.711 A.D.), there was little snow in the winter. The Emperor called the Master to the inner palace and requested for help. Fa-tsang said,“There is a sūtra named, the Great content dhāra.nī for asking and getting what is asked (隨求即得大自在). If the altar is set up for conducting a Dharma ritual and the Dhāra.nī (陀羅尼 magic spells) are written, then throw the written spells into the dragon pond, snow will come on time.”Fa-tsang's requirement was approved. He immediately went to the dragon pond near Mt. Nan-tian (藍田) Wu-Jin (悟真) temple, setting up the altar and conducting the Dhāra.nī Dharma ritual. The snow came soon. This accomplishment was reported to the imperial court. The court observed as follows: “The Hua-yen Master prayed and asked for mercy, three precious ones (the Buddha, the Dharma, the Sa^ngha) manifested their kindness, so it snowed twice, the sincerity was felt by them and the snow accumulated over one foot high.”The imperial court made the admiration more complete and announced again,“The Hua-yen Master, how is your Dharma body? As soon as you finished praying and burning the incense, the snow came so quickly, Tathāgata has displayed his mercy, and it is indeed due to your earnestness and sincerity.”In (C.712 A.D.), the comet appeared, Emperor Juei-Tzung (睿宗) took precepts to be a Buddhist and Fa-tsang held the precepts-accepting ceremony for him. Emperor Juei-tzung abdicated his throne, instead, he self-cultivated and lived a spiritual life.

On Master Fa-tsang's birthday, the second day of the eleventh lunar month the same year, the imperial court granted him robes, fortune and food. The official announcement made in his honor read as follows:“Hua-yen Master! it is nice to share the joy of your birthday. It is so great to meet this celebration! To send the best wishes on your birthday and express our sincere heart, the Dharma robes are presented together with the birthday cake. May your years continue like the countless sand of Ganges River, and your life last as long as the kalpā rock! Two thousand bolts of cloth will be granted to you, and your needs shall be met to promote the happiness for all.”

Fa-tsang was the imperial Master of five Emperors: Kau-Tzung (高), Chung-Tzung (中), Juei-Tzung (睿), Shiuan-Tzung (玄) and Queen Wu. All officials of imperial court paid great respect to him. However, he still lived a modest life and was strictly self-disciplined. He took the expending Dharma teachings as his duty. He had lectured the Hua-yen sūtra over thirty times. Once one of the students did not grasp the meaning of infinite Dharma realm and infinite Celestial Lord Indra's net, so he made a wonderful and clever demonstration to clarify the meaning. He took ten mirrors, and set eight mirrors around, with eight compass points. He then set one mirror on the top and another on the bottom. The distance between the top and the bottom was about ten feet. All mirrors face one another. He placed a Buddhist figure in the center with a torch to illuminate it so that its image was reflected from one to another. The student then realized the theory of passing from‘land and sea’(the finite world) into infinity, the main essence of the infinity cosmos. Numerous disciples flocked to Master Fa-tsang to learn. The outstanding ones among those disciples who continued his doctrines were Hung-kuan (宏觀), Wen-chau (文超), east capital Hua-yen temple Chih-kuang (智光), Her-en (荷恩) temple Chung-I (宗一), Jiang-fa (靜 法) temple Huei-yuan (慧苑), Jiang-shing (經行) temple Huei-Ing (慧英). The total number of Fa-tsang's writings consisted of nearly one hundred volumes. Searching the profoundness of the Hua-yen sūtra based on the translation of Jin dynasty alone consisted of forty volumes in length. His other writings consisted of (One vehicle doctrines analysis 一乘教義分齊章) in four volumes; the Sum of Hua-yen main essence in one volume (旨歸); the Outline of the Hua-yen sūtra in one volume (綱目); the Profound meanings in one volume (玄義章); the Hua-yen-cher-lin (策林) in one volume, the Insights of Hua-yen Samādhi (三昧觀) in one volume; the Hua-yen cosmology (華藏世界觀) in one volume; the Insights of ending ignorance and back to the origin in one volume (妄盡還源觀); the Sanskrit of Jin translated sūtra in one volume (晉經梵語); the Index of pronunciation and meaning of Tang newly translated sūtra in one volume (新經音義); the Names of Hua-yen Buddhas in five volumes (佛菩薩名); the Hua-yen sūtra thaumaturgy story in five volumes (感應傳); the La^nkāvatāra sūtra commentaries in seven volumes (楞伽經疏); the Ghana-vyūha sūtra commentaries in three volumes (密嚴經疏); the Brahmajāla sūtra commentaries in three volumes (梵網經疏); the Saddharma Pu.n.darīka sūtra commentaries in seven volumes (法華經疏); the Mahāyāna Śraddhotpāda śāstra commentaries in three volumes (起信論疏); the Dvādaśamukha śāstra analytic notes in two volumes (十二門論宗致義記); the commentaries on the Dharma realm non-discriminating in one volume (法界無差別論義疏); the Extra notes on the triple treasures in one volume (三寶別行記) ; the Transmigration in one volume (流轉章); the Dharma realm dependent origination in one volume (法界緣起章); the Rounded sound in one volume (圓音章), the Dharmakāya in one volume (法身章); the Ten Ages in one volume (十世章), and the Drift commentaries on newly translated sūtra in twelve volumes (新經略疏).

Master Fa-tsang is said to have predicted the time of his own death. In consequence of this premonition, he skipped some chapters to interpret the Ten concentrations (十定品) in advance, and only finished nine out of the ten. He left the Emperor and followers for the west capital Da-jien-fu temple where he went peacefully into his perfect rest on the 14th day of the eleventh lunar month in (C.712 A.D.) He passed away at age seventy and had been a monk for forty-three years. The Emperor was shocked and felt lost. Five days later, Fa-tsang was posthumously granted as Fuang-lu (鴻臚) official, and one thousand and two hundred bolts of cloth. The funeral followed the monastery example but with an official type of memorial service. He was buried on the twenty-fourth of the same month in Shen-ho (神禾) plain, the south of Hua-yen temple. Fa-tsang's disciples ask official secretary Ian Chou-ien (閻朝隱) to write a brief biography of Fa-tsang on his memorial stele. Anyone wants to know in details, please refer to Bei chi (Alternative Records) written by monk Chian-li (千里) of west capital Hua-yen temple and Kuang-en-chiej (光嚴記); written by monk Hi-dong (海東). Imperial court instructor Chuei chi-yuan also wrote biography of Fa-tsang.

(2) The Teaching of Fa-tsang

When Fa-tsang was seventeen, he left his parents to seek the Dharma and studied a lot of major Mahāyāna sūtras; he fairly understood the profound meaning of Hua-yen sūtra. The main doctrine and philosophy of Hua-yen School was well established by Fa-tsang; and it became a contemporary Chinese Buddhist school of Tang dynasty. Fa-tsang was honored as the third patriarch of Hua-yen School, and yet he was the real founder of the Hua-yen School.

Fa-tsang was also knighted as Hsien-sou by Queen Wu. He was respected as Hsien-sou (the most virtuous) Imperial Master. Hua-yen School was also named as the Hsien-sou School in regard to its founder Fa-tsang. As Hua-yen School takes Hua-yen sūtra as its major sūtra, it is called the Hua-yen School.

The doctrine of Hua-yen School was mainly based on the Hua-yen sūtra, which was expounded in a creative way by the Hua-yen patriarchs. The Hua-yen School, as one of the major Chinese Buddhist schools, was exported to Korea and Japan. The Hua-yen School developed the Mahāyāna Buddhist thought with the concepts such as li (noumenon) and shih (phenomena), were easily accepted by Chinese people, and analytically explaining the relationship among different categories of the existence. The Hua-yen thought had brought a great influence on the development of Chinese philosophy of the coming Sung dynasty.

Fa-tsang was a specialist in Sanskrit. He participated in the sūtra-translating project that was conducted by I-Ching, and also collaborated with Sik.sānanda on translating a variety of sūtras. Fa-tsang particularly worked hard on translating and revising the Hua-yen sūtra. Fa-tsang found that the previous translation done by Buddhabhadra was incomplete and had mistakes. In (C.679 A.D.), the year of Tiau-lu (調露) of Emperor Kau-Tzung, he worked with Divākara to revise the Buddhabhadra's Chinese translation with Sanskrit edition, and adding two new sections of translations. During the time of Queen Wu, Sik.sānanda retranslated the Hua-yen sūtra again. Fa-tsang organized all the editions and made the Hua-yen sūtra more complete.

Basically, Fa-tsang inherited the thought of Chih-yen and Tu-shun. The classifications of five teachings by Chih-yen and Tu-shun became more organized and clear under the development of Fa-tsang. The names and order of five teachings were firmly set up by Fa-tsang: the Hīnayāna teaching (小乘), the Mahāyāna initial teaching (大乘始教), the Mahāyāna final teaching (大乘終教), the Mahāyāna instant teaching (大乘頓教) and one vehicle complete teaching (一乘圓教). The contemporary schools of Tang Buddhism were classified on the basis of this foundation. Fa-tsang valued Hua-yen School the highest as the one vehicle complete teaching.

The classifications of the five teachings were based on the methods of the teaching. According to various doctrines and Buddhist theories in China and India, Fa-tsang classified ten Buddhist schools that were elaborated in the Commentary of the awakening of faith[139] and Hua-yen-tan-hsuan-chi.[140]

(3) Buddhist Doctrinal Classification by Fa-tsang

According to the content and meaning of various sūtras, Fa-tsang classifies Buddhism into five teachings[141]: the Hīnayāna teaching, the initial, the final, the instant and the complete of the Mahāyāna teachings, and he also compares Buddhism to the teachings in three periods of time: the dawn, the sunrise of the day and the reflection of the sunset.

1. The Hīnayāna Teaching

It is called the teaching of the inferior Dharma of two-vehicles (śrāvaka 聲聞 and Pratyeka-Buddha 緣覺). This teaching is applied to the audience with dull faculties and incapable of accepting the Mahāyāna teaching. As far as the Hīnayāna teaching is concerned, it claims that the dependent arising is based on twelve nidānas (因緣) and the reincarnation is influenced by the karma as its condition. The Hīnayāna teaching attempts to explain the purities or impurities of the self by the theory of seventy-five Dharmas (七十五法) of the (Abhidharmakośa 俱舍論), the senses of our six organs and three poisons (greed, anger, ignorance). This teaching shows only the impermanence of the self instead of the impermanence of Dharmas.

The Hīnayāna teaching does not reach the limit of Bodhisattva's practice. From the viewpoint of practice, the Hīnayāna teaching does not get deeply into the realization of Buddhahood or the Enlightenment that Buddha has attained. In regard to the epistemological realm, the Hīnayāna teaching claims the eternity of Dharmas. There are about eighteen branches of those scholastic Buddhist theories. Within the area of studies in the Hīnayāna teaching, it covers Āgama (阿含), (Tāpuśa bhallika, sarvāstivāda Vinaya 說一切有部律), (Dharmagupta Vinaya, Mahāsa.mgha Vinaya, Abhidharmamahāvibhā.sa śāstra 阿毘達摩大毘婆沙論), (Abhidharmakośa 阿毘達摩俱舍論), (Abhidharmajñānapras.thāna and Satya-siddhi śāstra 成實論).

2. The Mahāyāna Initial Teaching

There are two sub-divisions in the Mahāyāna initial teaching: the initial teaching of Emptiness and the initial teaching of Phenomena. The initial teaching of Emptiness is based on the (Prajñāpāramitā-sūtra 般若經), (Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā 中論), (Śata-śāstra 百論) and (Dvādaśamukha-śāstra 十二門論). The purport of Emptiness aims to break the bondage and attachment from the phenomenal world, and it is claimed that all Dharmas are empty. These Dharmas produced through causation are each devoid of self-nature. By contrast, the initial teaching of Phenomena tries to explain the arising and perishing of the phenomenal existence and our mental activities in terms of the ālayavijñāna (阿賴耶識). This teaching takes (Samdhinirmocana sūtra 解深密經), (Yogācāryabhūmi śāstra 瑜伽師地論) and (vijñāptimātratāsiddhi śāstra 唯識論) as its theoretical basis. It explains the multiplicity of Dharmas in terms of eight kinds of vijñāna (識) the six senses plus ādānavijñāna (末那識) and ālayavijñāna (阿賴耶識). However, it still cannot completely unfold the ultimate foundation of Dharmas. Especially, the two-vehicles (śrāvaka, Pratyeka-Buddha) and icchantika cannot attain the Buddhahood. The initial teaching of Phenomena claims the insubstantiality of the self and Dharmas, the immutability of the tathatā (true thusness), the difference among three natures (the imaginary, the dependent and the perfect natures), and the difference between the appearance and the essence of Dharmas.

3. The Mahāyāna Final Teaching

This is the ultimate teaching of the Mahāyāna, also known as the matured or authentic teaching, which holds that two vehicles and all sentient beings can attain the Buddhahood. This teaching takes the La^nkāvatāra-sūtra (楞伽經), Nirvā.na-sūtra, Śrīmālā-devī-si.nha-nāda-sūtra (勝鬘經), The Awakening of Faith and Ratnagotra-śāstra (寶性論) as its theoretical basis. It claims that tathatā (真如)[142] has both aspects of arising and perishing, which generates the Dharmas by conditions. Furthermore, three natures (the imaginary, the dependent and the perfect natures) exist simultaneously, and the principle is identical to the phenomena. The essence of Dharmas is tathatā; the principle and the phenomena are harmoniously in concord with each other. The Mahāyāna final teaching emphasizes the nature of Dharma instead of the phenomena of Dharma, and claims that all sentient beings can cut off the affliction to attain the bodhi and stay away from the birth and death to attain the Nirvā.na.

The insight of the Mahāyāna final teaching had gone beyond the earthly reality; all it claims are the ultimate truth, therefore, it is named authentic teaching.

4. The Mahāyāna Instant Teaching

According to the Mahāyāna instant teaching, all cultivation and realization are attained immediately without a sequence of practice; in other words, this teaching is a method towards sudden Enlightenment. It refers to the fact that a person understands the truth instantly to reach the Enlightenment, which transcends the perception, speaking and thinking. This can be attained without even the arising of a single thought, that is called Buddha. The silence of Vimalakīrti revealed in the (Vimalakīrti-nirdeśā 維摩詰經) and the inherent Buddha nature claimed by the (Perfect Enlightenment sūtra 圓覺經) display the unique features of the Mahāyāna instant teaching.

The Mahāyāna instant teaching does not focus on elaborating the phenomena of Dharmas, but pays more attention to the nature of Dharmas. There are no eight kinds of senses, no distinction between the insubstantiality of the self and the Dharmas, no five aggregates and no three natures. There is no step or stage for the practice, while there is always the way leading to the Enlightenment at any instant moment. It tends to expound the truth that affliction is the bodhi, and birth as well as death is the Nirvā.na.

5. One Vehicle Complete Teaching

This teaching is based on the Hua-yen sūtra. This teaching tries to expound that the harmony and oneness of the universe and the Buddha nature of all sentient beings. The interdependent origination is rooted on the oneness. All Dharmas are interrelated, and interpenetrated. In the infinite dependent arising, all Dharmas do not hinder one another, like the pearls of the Indra's net, the Dharmas reflect one another to the infinite. Either the tiny or the huge are compatible. One is all, and all is one. The causes comprise every components of the fruition, and the fruition can be traced back to its causes as the origin.

Among the five teachings, Fa-tsang categorizes the Mahāyāna initial and final teaching as the Gradual Teaching and the Mahāyāna instant teachings as the Sudden Teaching. As far as the teaching is concerned, the Mahāyāna initial and final teachings display the sequence of the belief, the understanding and the practice in terms of words or verbal communication, while the Mahāyāna instant teaching skips all of the sequential steps and transcends the words or verbal communication. However, the three teachings are shared by śrāvaka, Pratyeka-Buddha and Bodhisattva, so they are named three vehicles teachings. The audiences of the Gradual Teaching are not ready for the Enlightenment because their roots or faculties are not mature yet. They just turned from the Hīnayāna to the Mahāyāna, so the content and strategy of the teaching should be undertaken step by step. First of all, the truth of Emptiness is taught and then the truth of non-Emptiness (the tathatā, true thusness) will be taught. The Gradual Teaching is applied to the sentient being with dull faculties while the Sudden Teaching is applied to those with sharp faculties. The sentient beings taught by the Mahāyāna initial, final and instant teachings all are supposed to progress towards the highest level of the one vehicle complete teaching. The audiences of the one vehicle complete teaching are those with superior roots and capable of understanding the highest truth of the non-obstructive liberation and the ultimate fruition of Buddha's Enlightenment. In the One Vehicle Complete Teaching, the difference and differentiation of all Dharmas will not hinder one another and yet become supplementary one another under the realm of the infinite dependent arising.

The following chart will briefly present the characteristics of doctrinal classification done by Fa-tsang.

(1) | The Hīnayāna Teaching |  |  |
(2) | The Mahāyāna Initial Teaching | Gradual Teaching | Three Vehicles Teaching | The Mahāyāna Teaching
(3) | The Mahāyāna Final Teaching |  |  |
(4) | The Mahāyāna Instant Teaching | Sudden Teaching
(5) | One Vehicle Complete Teaching |  | Hua-yen One Vehicle Distinctive Teaching

Three Time-periods of Teaching (三時)

Furthermore, Fa-tsang uses simile to describe the Buddha's teaching in three time-periods the dawn, sunrise of the day and the reflection of sunset, by which he parallels to his doctrinal classification of the five teachings.

The first time-period for the teaching of Buddha is like the sunrise of the dawn (日出先照時), as the text indicates, the sunshine illuminates first on the Sumeru[143]and great mountains. In early sunrise, the sun does not rise over the horizon yet, so the sun shines on the top of high mountains only. This simile explains that Buddha wholly reveals the supreme truth of his Enlightenment. The students capable of accepting such supreme truth are the Bodhisattvas of the first bhūmi and above. That is why the sūtra shows: The Tathāgata always radiates non-obstructive Prajñā light, and shines on Bodhisattvas great mountains. In Buddhist term, this is named as the straight expression of what is in Buddha's mind. Indeed, this especially refers to the teaching that Hua-yen sūtra implies. Hua-yen sūtra displays directly the One Real Realm that Buddha has realized. The cause and result interpenetrate each other. The principle and the phenomena interfuse each other. This is called unsurpassed fundamental Dharma wheel, the supreme truth of Enlightenment.

The second time-period of teaching is paralleled to the sunrise of the day (日升轉照時). The sunshine during the day illuminates the plains and valleys. This phase of teaching includes three turns of the Dharma wheel. The first turn is the Hīnayāna teaching to expound the Four Noble Truth and twelve nidānas. This is the provisional teaching with expedient means for the śrāvakas and pratyekas. The second turn includes the Mahāyāna initial and the final teaching. The Mahāyāna initial teaching is to make the śrāvakas and pratyekas turn to the Mahāyāna teaching. It focuses on the teaching of Emptiness. By contrast, the final Mahāyāna holds that the emptiness of the Dharmas does not violate their existence. The fact that the nature of Dharmas is empty will not hinder their phenomenal existence at all. The third turn is the instant Mahāyāna teaching, which claims that there exists no sequential process for Enlightenment, which a person will attain immediately as soon as he cut off the illusion. The provisional teaching will be directed to the ultimate teaching without any procedure.

The reflection of sunset is the third time-period when the sun drops under the horizon (日沒還照時), but the reflection of sunshine back to the top of the mountain. According to Fa-tsang, this time-period of teaching is the same as the first time period, while the Manifestation of Tathāgata[144] does not mention this. In Hua-yen sūtra, chapter one Manifestation of Tathāgata indicates: When the sun rises at Jambudvīpa,[145] it illuminates the Sumeru great mountains and the valleys, then the high lands and plains. The sun does not think:“I illuminate here first or they're later.” The height of mountains and plains are different, so they accept the sunshine in different sequences. This case is same to Tathāgata, who accomplishes wisdom wheel of infinite Dharma realm and always emits non-obstructive light of wisdom. The light first shines on the Bodhisattva that is parallel to the great mountain Sumeru. Secondly, it shines on śrāvaka, Pratyeka-Buddha, and the sentient beings of stably good root, to which Tathāgata displays the great wisdom according to their mental capacity. The light of wisdom shines on all of the sentient beings, including the heterodox and evil ones. This is to create the conditions for the future benefit and make preparations for the mature result. The Tathāgata with great prajñ sunshine does not think“I first shine on the great Bodhisattva or shine later on heterodox and evil sentient beings.”The Tathāgata shines universally and equally, without obstruction and without discrimination.

The coming chart will illustrate how the three time-periods teachings correspond to the five teachings in Fa-tsang's doctrinal divisions.

The dawn
The first time-period
One vehicle complete
Beginning with the ultimate Dharma-wheel turning

The Hīnayāna
The first turn of Dharma-wheel

Mahāyān Initial and Final
The second turn of Dharma-wheel

Mahāyān Instant
The third turn of Dharma-wheel

The reflection of the sunset
The third time-period
Bring three vehicles (śrāvaka, Pratyeka-Buddha and Bodhisattva) to the complete teaching.
Concluding all the branches and return to the ultimate Dharma-wheel turning

The content of the Hua-yen sūtra is to display how Bodhisattvas attain the Enlightenment and the realization of infinite Dharma realm in terms of Buddha's teaching. There is the simile in the Hua-yen sūtra: Buddha is the one who expounds Dharmas, like the radiating sunlight of the dawn, and the Bodhisattvas are those who accept the teaching, like the Sumeru and great mountains. During the third-time period (sunset), Fa-tsang's doctrinal classification brings in the teaching of the Lotus sūtra and the Nirvā.na sūtra. In the Lotus sūtra, Chapter of Prophesy of Enlightenment for five Hundred Disciples[146], all the śrāvaka disciples either śaiksa or aśaikśa are able to attain the Enlightenment under the prophesy of Buddha. The Nirvā.na sūtra especially points out that the aprati.s.thita-nirvā.na is the highest achievement, in which the enlightened one will be free from the life circle of birth and death. Fa-tsang compared the teaching of the last period of time to the reflection of sunset that radiates the top of the mountain again. The teaching of this time-period makes no difference from that of the first time-period when Buddha attained the Enlightenment and taught the sentient being with the best capacity.

The teaching of Hua-yen and Lotus sūtra are both classified as the complete teaching by Fa-tsang. However, according to Fa-tsang, the teaching of the Hua-yen sūtra especially applied to the Bodhisattvas so it is named One vehicle distinctive teaching, while the teaching of the Lotus sūtra is commonly applied to three vehicles (śrāvaka, Pratyeka-Buddha and Bodhisattva). In sum, as Fa-tsang says in I-seng-chiao-yi-chang[147], diminishing all the expedient ways and going straight forward to the ultimate, is the one vehicle teaching; approaching toward the ultimate by the provisional and expedient ways, is the three vehicle teaching. Three-vehicle teaching is identical to one-vehicle without hindering one vehicle. One-vehicle and three-vehicle are interfused with each other.[148]

On the basis of the tremendous contribution made by Fa-tsang, some scholars have gone to the extent of calling him the‘real founder’or the‘first systematizer’of Hua-yen Buddhism. In fair judgement of Fa-tsang and Chih-yen, it could be said that even if Chih-yen is accepted as the main force behind the foundation of Hua-yen Buddhism, Fa-tsang shall have to be given not only at least some credit but he also cannot be denied the credit for being a masterly and comprehensive thinker.

D. The Fourth Patriarch Cheng-kuan

(1) Biographical sketch

The fourth Hua-yen Patriarch Cheng-kuan (Ching-Liang) (C.738-839 A.D.), whose surname was Shia-hou, came from the Yuei state, Kuei-Chi. He was about nine and half feet tall, and his hands were so long that they came down to his knees. He had forty teeth in his mouth. His voice sounded like huge bell. His eyes were illuminating at night but not dazzling in the daytime. He could remember ten thousand words a day and read seven lines at one time. The room where he was born radiated with light at the time of his birth. During his childhood, he liked to pile up sand to be a pagoda when playing with other kids. At nine, he began studying with Monk Ti-chen (體真) in Bou-lin (寶林) temple. He becomes familiar with Tripi.taka in one year.

At the age of eleven (C.749 A.D.), he took the initial precepts to be a novice, and began to lecture on the sūtras and the śāstras, including the Prajñāpāramitā H.ridaya sūtra (般若經), the Nirvā.na sūtra (涅槃經), the Saddharma Pu.n.darīka sūtra (法華經), the Vimalakīrti sūtra (淨名經), the Perfect Enlightenment sūtra (圓覺經), the Mahāyāna Śraddhotpāda śāstra (起信論), the Tathāgata-garbha śāstra (寶性論), the Yogācāryabhūmi śāstra (瑜伽論), the Vijanamatra śāstras (唯識論), the Abhidharma-Kosa-sūtra (俱舍), the Mika śāstra (中論), the Śāta śāstra (百論), and the Hetu-vidyā (因明). At twenty, he followed great Master Tan-I (曇一) and was ordained to be a monk. He acted according to Nan-shan precepts and lectured on the Vinaya. He also followed Cheng-jau (常照) Ch'an Master to accept Bodhisattva precepts and had ten vows for self-improvement to: keep up the proper manners as a Buddhist monk; keep the right thought of Tathāgata's rules; follow the teachings of Dharma to sit in a good manner; Pure nature should not be contaminated by lust; the feet should not stamp on the dust of a nunnery; the body should stay away from the beds of lay followers; the tongue should taste nothing after noon; the hands should not leave bright pearls; and sleep on the side of the monk's robe and bowl.

Cheng-kuan also followed two other Ch'an Masters Niou-tou (牛頭) Hwei-Tzung (慧宗) and Jing-shan (徑山) Dau-chin (道欽) to learn and inquire the implications of Ch'an, such as what is for the grand Dharma Ch'an Master to come from the west. He felt free and self-contented by grasping Ch'an and approved by Lo-yang Wu-ming (無名) Ch'an Master. Cheng-kuan said,“Brightness illuminates the darkness and Dharma awakens from the ignorance. That which emits thousands of gates, and involves all beings, vast and complete on applications is the great Hua-yen sūtra only.” He then consulted the implication of Ch'an with the great monk Da-shen (大詵) from the eastern capital. While listening to his discourse about the profound Hua-yen doctrines, he was suddenly enlightened and could interpret well by himself. Monk Da-shen said,[149]“All the schools and vehicles of Dharma will count on you.”Cheng-kuan's reputation was getting higher. In (C.768 A.D.), Chen-kuan translated the sūtra with Amoghavajra at Da Shing San (大興善) temple under the assignment of Emperor Dai-Tzung. Cheng-kuan was in charge of polishing the translated texts. Once Emperor asked him about the teachings of the sūtra, and his answer was very clear and organized. The Emperor soon understood completely, and respected him as Master. He was treated well by the imperial court. In (C.771 A.D.), he presented the translated sūtra, seventy-seven editions of sūtras in one hundred and twenty volumes.

After Cheng-kuan left the site of sūtra-translation, he said goodbye to the Emperor. He started extending the teachings of the Hua-yen sūtra. When he lectured on Zu-Chu-Pien (住處品) (the chapter on places where Bodhisattvas stay), he contemplated on the wisdom of Mañjuśrī and the mountain Wu-Tai. He traveled far to Mt. Wu-Tai and lectured on the Hua-yen sūtra at great Hua-yen temple for ten years. The monks of the mountain Wu-Tai sincerely asked him to develop the teachings of the Hua-yen. He thought that the fifth Stage (sudurjayā, mastery of utmost difficulties) sages, who stayed in the Buddha's setting and had attained Enlightenment, while they did not give up the worldly learning. Thus, he studied literature, history, Chinese characters and linguistics, Sanskrit, medicine and medical art, other secular knowledge and the holy classic teachings of ancient sages. Before Cheng-kuan wrote commentaries on the Hua-yen sūtra (C.783 A.D.), he prayed for holy help and auspicious sign at the Prajñā Academy. One night, he dreamed of an illuminating golden man, who was guarding the mountains and standing over the sky. He was moved to tears during his sleep. As he woke up, he realized that he had the sign of illuminating all. He was very glad. He celebrated by holding an unconcealing assembly for Buddha mercy giving and confession in the same month. After that, he wrote fast, smooth in thought, like being assisted by Buddhas. Some old commentaries of the Hua-yen sūtra from third Hua-yen patriarch Hsien-shou were adopted. He interpreted the sūtra from ten perspectives, known as ten mysterious gates. Those commentaries have four parts. In (C.787 A.D.), at night when Cheng-kuan finished first twenty volumes of the commentaries, he dreamed of himself becoming a dragon. The head of dragon headed towards the south and the tail occupied the north. The scales of the dragon were beaming and radiating, luminous beyond the sun. In a moment, the dragon flew up and turned into thousands of little dragons, illuminating all directions and taking off. He realized that this is the sign of prediction: the great commentaries on the Hua-yen sūtra will be spread and circulated everywhere.

When for the first time, Cheng-Kuan began to lecture the Hua-yen sūtra, splendid clouds gathered in the sky for quite a while. Later on, he lectured for Seng-juei (僧睿) and one hundred other disciples again. He wrote the Developing notes on commentaries forty volumes (隨疏演義鈔)[150] and the Spontaneous writings notes (suei-wen-sou-jing 隨文手境) in one hundred volumes. In C.791 A.D., the governor of Ho-tung (河東) state Lee Ju-liang (李自良), asked Master to lecture the newly written Commentaries of Hua-yen sūtra. Emperor Der-Tzung (德宗) heard this news, and wanted to know the main thesis of Dharma, too.[151] The Emperor sent official messenger Lee Fu-kuang (李輔光) to invite the Master to the capital by imperial edict. The Master was well received with courtesy in imperial court. In (C.796 A.D.), with another translator Prajñā from Kubha (罽賓), the Master started translating another extra edition of the Hua-yen sūtra that was presented by a small country called Odra in eastern India. The content of this edition did not appear in the old one. Emperor Der-Tzung himself visited the working place when they were translating the sūtra. The translation was done in two years with forty volumes in size and presented to the imperial court.

In the year of (C.798 A.D.), on the occasion of Der-Tzung Emperor's birthday in April, Master was invited to Lin-Der palace to impart instructions from the canon of the Newly translated the Hua-yen sūtra (Sāmantabhadra's merits and vows). When all officials gathered, Master ascended on the throne and said:

“Our Emperor rules the country, and his virtues can parallel the order of heaven and earth, splendid all over the world. I now present this new translation in reply to his clever indication, and interpret the profound meaning of the sūtra. With so many blessings from our Emperor, the translation is deeply admired by him. Dharma has no limit, which saves all living beings in this universe, so called“Da”(grand). The performance of Dharma is never exhausted; it is like draining the ocean to drink in every possible way, so called“Fang”(vast). The ground dust particles are countable, while the usefulness of Dharma is immeasurable, so called“Guang”(immense). To renounce the sense of what has been sensed, and to unfold the profoundness of Dharma is so called“Fo”(Buddha). Fragrant flowers dress myriad practice to glorify all merits, so called“Fa”(flower). The perfection of practice and virtue will manifest ten aspects of Buddhakāya, so called“Ian”(glorifying). The comprehension of profound meaning emits true colorful light, so called“Jing”(sūtra). The seven characters of title Da-fang-guang-fo-hua-yen-ching summarize the main points of the Hua-yen sūtra. We should act in accordance with our good nature. Without the practice of good conduct, we cannot reach the perfection of virtues, i.e., so called Sāmantabhadra endless excellent merits. The understanding of Dharma will be accomplished as soon as we are in action and practice Dharma. The wisdom is perfected as soon as the action is done. We will immediately benefit from the realization of Dharma with no obstacle.”

The Emperor was pleased with his lecture, and said,“How wonderful your words are! So profound and clear!”He was assigned as Professor monk respectfully. The Emperor requested Cheng-kuan to have the Newly translated Hua-yen sūtra printed, including the main texts and the ten volumes of commentaries. In 805 A.D., the Master's name was put into the Collection of great monks in the world and knighted as Great Master Jin-Gou (鎮國) (country-protecting). He was invited to the palace where he lectured the Hua-yen sūtra on the Emperor's birthday again. The Master ascended on his seat and said:

“How great is the real realm, from which all the principles of existice began, embracing the void and the being while can not be perceived, and coming into existence without trace. My great Buddha gets it, wonderfully reaches the true Enlightenment, cleans up all earthly attachment, devotes himself to fulfillment, and emits his brightness afar. My Emperor gets the principles of real realm, which contemplates the ultimate reality; guards the universe peacefully, cultivates people with grace and makes them treat one another with honesty. The Hua-yen sūtra is to manifest this aim, and follow the origin of real realm, so the meaning and power of this sūtra is wide and broad, encompassing, modest and deep. It can be contemplated without concretely possessing it. With no comprehension of this, one will work hard in vein for numerous kalpās. If one can get it right, one will be enlightened and become equal to all the Buddhas one day. To contemplate a dust with wisdom, one has real realm on his palm. The truth is deep and the wisdom is profound. If you are unable to perceive things with wisdom and interpret well, it is like that the dust defiles your great cleverness and you can only resign from your position.”[152]

The Emperor then meditated on the ocean-like vastness of Dharma and grasped it in great delight. The Emperor looked at all officials around and said,[153]“My Master's words are concise with significant and beautiful verse. His words can blow the winds of truth of heaven and enable the great Dharma to quench the thirst of my heart.” Then, Cheng kuan was knighted as the Imperial Master Ching-liang (cooling down) and also granted purple robe and was respected by all high-ranking officials.

Prince Shun-Tzung (順宗) who lived in the east palace, asking Master Ching-liang about the essentials of mind. Master answered:“The ultimate truth is based on the mind; the principles of mind are based on impermanence and no abiding, which constitutes the mind itself. The mind itself is clear and penetrating, tranquil in nature, equipped with the virtues and functions. If one believes what is perceived only, he will be troubled a lot. If one understands the true nature of mind, he will be bright and open. I say that the mind is the Buddha, but only the enlightened one can realize.” Prince Shun-Tzung required more lecture on the Complete truth for one volume (了義), and the article of the Reasons on faults of meat-eating (食肉得罪因緣). Later on (C.805 A.D.), prince Shun-Tzung inherited his father's position and became the Emperor. He officially invited the Master to Shing-tang (興唐) temple, built Pu-kuang (普光) palace and the Hua-yen pavilion, sculpted the Hua-yen shrine and painted the picture of the assembly of the Dharma realm.

The next Emperor was Shiang-Chuang. In (C.807 A.D.), Nan-kang prince Weibou and minister Wu-uan-hang requested Master Ching-liang to write The Mysterious Mirror of Insights into Dharma Realm. In (C.810 A.D.), the Emperor invited Master Ching-liang to the court and discussed about Dharma. The Emperor asked as to what was implied in the Hua-yen sūtra, and what was Dharma realm? Master replied:

“Dharma realm constitutes the mind and body of all living beings. From the very beginning, Dharma realm is illuminating, bright, immense, penetrating, and tranquil, the only real realm. Dharma realm cannot be perceived for it has no certain form and shape, while Dharma realm extends everywhere and permeates everything in the world. Dharma realm has no boundary and universally involves all beings. It is clear to eyes and mind but cannot be seen. It sways in the sensible world while its principles cannot be separated. Without the eyes of wisdom to see through, without the clear wisdom to release from desires, one cannot see the mind itself that has been so spiritual and penetrating. When Śākyamuni reached Enlightenment, he sighed and said,“Weird! I widely see all living being, who are endowed with the wisdom and virtue of Tathāgata but obsessed with illusory phenomena, and cannot be enlightened.”Therefore, Śākyamuni admired the nature of Dharma realm and instructed Hua-yen sūtra. With emptiness to filter what is sensed, facts and principles are in accord and manifest each other, encompassing all and gathering in harmonious quiescence. This is so called Dharma realm.”

After listening to this profound lecture, the Emperor felt free and content. He granted the golden seal for the Master and assigned him to be the leader of all the nationwide monks to direct the religious affairs. The coming Emperors Mu-Tzung and Su-Tzung knighted him as Da-Chau (大照) (great illuminating) Imperial Master. Emperor Wen-Tzung (文宗) (C.831 A.D.) vowed not to eat clams under the precept with heart by the Master. On Master's birth centenary (C.836 A.D.), Wen-Tzung granted him clothes, fortune and food, and knighted him as Da-Tuang (大統) (great commanding) Imperial Master. The Master lectured Hua-yen over fifty times, held unconcealing assembly for confession and Buddha-grace giving fifteen times.

Master wrote over four hundred more volumes. Minister Chi-Kang (齊抗), Cheng Yu-ching (鄭餘慶), Kau-Ien, asked him to write the Hua-yen outlines in three volumes (華嚴綱要). Minister Lee Chi-Fu (李吉甫), secretary Kue Dien (歸登), and Emperor's son-in-law Du-Tzung (杜宗) invited him to lecture and write the Hua-yen outlines in detail (正要). Officer Kau Chung-wei (高崇文) asked him to write the Mirror lamp lecture (鏡燈說文). Other officials Ian Sou (嚴綬), Cheng En (鄭元), and Lu Chung-Yun (陸常源) asked him to write the Harmonious insights of three sages (三聖圓融觀). Shien Fa (薛華), Mang Jien (孟簡), Chien Fuei(錢徽), and Pai Chiu-I (白居易) asked him to write the Seven places nine assemblies vairocana pure land mind mirror lectures in ten volumes (七處九會華藏界圖心鏡說文). Together with monk Lien Suei, eighteen chief seats and all the learned from temples, Master edited and published thirty editions of the sūtras, including the Hua-yen, the Perfect Enlightenment, Four Vinaya, the Mādhyamika-śāstra (中觀). The Master also lectured the main points on the Whole revelation of mahāyāna sūtras in three volumes (大經了義備要), the Collection of lectures with the emperors on seven sages birthday, and Notes of poetry in eighty volumes in all.

Among the Master's disciples, thirty-eight became teachers and preached the Dharma. Hai-an (海岸) and Chi-kuang (寂光) were the important ones. They taught over one thousand disciples. In the eastern capital outstanding monk Seng Tsung-mi (宗密) from Kuei-feng was the most learned. All of the disciples who came in their humbleness, learned very well. At the age of one hundred and two, one day, Master called Han-an and other disciples, spoke to them as follows:

“I have told that occasional efforts will accomplish nothing, and adorned words help no good deeds, so ancient sages would sigh and feel shame for such conducts. Be consistant and do not prompt heresy. Isolate the false and do not side with injustice.Do not be trapped and indulgent in evil mind. Do not get stuck in disputes. The great dawn cannot break the darkness at night, and the kind mother cannot protect her beloved children after her death. You all should have your trust and belief in the Buddha, not in men. Real realm is transcendental and profound. Real realm cannot be uncovered and manifested by words, but by mind only. It will be clearly open up to you. Meet the situation with insight, face the cause in calm, then I shall not be alone.”[154]

As soon as this talk was over, he sat in cross-legged meditation and rested in peace. Master Ching-liang had been through nine reigns and became the teacher of seven Emperors. When he died, he was one hundred and two years old. He had been a monk for eighty-three years. His talk was elegant. His graceful manner had made him a role model for everyone. He was respected nationwide for his concise verse-like speech and good manner. He was very gifted in writing and lived a modest life. He ate one meal a day and had no savings at all. Emperor Wei-Tzung respected him as ancestor and sage. The administration job of imperial court was stopped for three days and all officials mourned this death. As sūtra was bein chanted to bid him farewell, the Master's facial color radiated. He was in perfect rest when sitting firmly in cross-legged meditation. His body did not decay while being kept as a whole in the pagoda of Tsung-nan Mountain.

Later on, two monks from India said that they saw two messengers flying over the area of the Pamirs and Mt. Ku-luns, then passed towards the east. The Indian monks stopped them with spell and asked them why. The messengers said that they were the gods of Mañjuśrī shrine in the Northern India. They were going to China to take the Hua-yen Bodhisattva's tooth to India for worship. In the pagoda, only thirty-nine of the Master's teeth were found left, one tooth was already taken away. After the cremation of Ching-liang's body, there came with several thousand śarīrās, like luminous stones, but his tongue stayed like red lotus and the fire could not burn it. The imperial court still knighted him as Chiang-liang Imperial Master, and gave a memorial board inscribed Miau Jei (妙覺) (wonderful Enlightenment) for the pagoda. Minister Pei Shou (斐休) wrote tribute for his memorial stone and documented his story as imperial Master's true conduct. His relic was kept in Da Shien Tang temple. Emperor Wei-Tzung made eight pieces of pictorial tribute to him.

(2) The Continuation of the Hua-yen Thought After Fa-tsang

I. The Justification of Orthodoxy in the Hua-yen Lineage for Cheng-Kuan

When Cheng-kuan (C.738-83 A.D.) was born, Fa-tsang (C.643-712 A.D.) had passed away for twenty-six years. Cheng-kuan was never instructed by Fa-tsang in person, neither by any Fa-tsang's disciples. The time when Cheng-kuan was active in the Buddhist circle was dated about one hundred years behind that of Fa-tsang. Then, under what kind of circumstance was Cheng-kuan placed in the Hua-yen lineage and regarded as the successor of Fa-tsang? Among all the biographical sources about Cheng-kuan, the most reliable one is Miao-chieh-ta-chi (The record of wonderful Enlightenment stūpa), in which it is pointed out that Cheng-kuan learned the profound content of the Hua-yen sūtra from Monk Da-hsien in Lo-yang. Da-hsien was also known as Fa-hsien. Cheng-kuan could recite the sūtra completely after the instruction of Monk Da-hsien, who admired Cheng-kuan and said,“The world of truth all belongs to you.”[155] Therefore, the teacher of Cheng-kuan was supposed to be Monk Da-hsien. In the biography of Cheng-kuan, it is indicated that Cheng-kuan studied the Hua-yen sūtra with Da-hsien in the Tien-chu temple. Besides, the eife years of Cheng-kuan (C.738-839 A.D.) and Da-hsien (C.718-778A.D.) were very near. In the biography of Da-hsien,[156] it is also mentioned that Cheng-kuan got the profound meaning of the Hua-yen sūtra from Da-hsien.

Cheng-kuan devoted himself to revive the tradition of Hua-yen School and expand the teaching of Fa-tsang, so he was regarded as the fourth patriarch. In the later years of Fa-tsang, he wrote the commentaries for the newly translated eighty volumes Hua-yen sūtra. Fa-tsang tried to write the commentaries[157] as early as in C.695 A.D. when Sik.sānanda had done the translation. Unfortunately, Fa-tsang passed away with only two chapters of sūtra commentary finished: The wonderful adornments of the world-leaders and ten concentrations. Fa-tsang's disciple Hui-yuan continued the task of writing commentaries, which was named Kan-ting-chi.

In Kan-ting-chi, the doctrinal classification that Hui-yuan made was quite different from that of Fa-tsang. Instead of five teachings that Fa-tsang had established, Hui-yuan excluded the sudden teaching and classified the Buddha's teachings into four teachings.

Fa-tsang was the founder of Hua-yen School, and yet Hui-yuan did not keep Fa-tsang's main doctrine, thereby Hui-yuan was excluded from the orthodoxy of Hua-yen lineage by most contemporary followers of Hua-yen School in the Tang era. Hui-yuan was even viewed as the heresy. Besides, another lay scholar Li Tung-hsuan (C.635~730 A.D.) also wrote commentaries on the Hua-yen sūtra. Li Tung-hsuan's interpretation on the Hua-yen sūtra was very different from that of Chih-yen and Fa-tsang. How to keep the orthodoxy of Hua-yen lineage that Chih-yen and Fa-tsang had established became very important to the followers of Hua-yen School. Da-hsien was the disciple of Hui-yuan, and he also wrote the collective interpretation on Kan-tin-chi[158] to criticize Hui-yuan's opinion.

Cheng-kuan followed Da-hsien to study the Hua-yen sūtra. Cheng-kuan tried to correct the heresy of Hui-yuan to revive Fa-tsang's thought. Cheng-kuan wrote Hua-yen sūtra commentary[159] and Sub-commentary[160], in which Cheng-kuan defended the doctrinal classification of Fa-tsang in addition to the explanation on the Hua-yen sūtra.

In the time of Fa-tsang, he already noticed the increasing popularity of Ch'an Buddhism. However, Ch'an Buddhism still had not enough influence on other Buddhist schools at that time. Sudden Teaching was referred to Ch'an Buddhism by Cheng-kuan, who even equalized Sudden Teaching to Ch'an Buddhism, and yet this was not quite the original idea of Fa-tsang. In the Hua-yen sūtra Sub-commentary vol.2, Cheng-kuan mentioned, as far as the Enlightenment was concerned, the Sudden Teaching was the teaching to show the truth beyond words. Therefore it should be put in another category, namely, it is the teaching to transcend the mental activity. The Sudden Teaching was consistent with Ch'an Buddhism.

In general, Cheng-kuan inherited the thought of Fa-tsang and classified Ch'an Buddhism in the Sudden Teaching. Cheng-kuan brought the practice of Ch'an into the teaching; he was the forerunner to unify the teaching and Ch'an meditation. Tsung-mi,[161] the disciple of Cheng-kuan, had a further development on the synthesis of Hua-yen doctrine and Ch'an practice.

II. The Main Writings by Cheng-kuan

According to Miao-chieh-ta-chi (The Record of Wonderful Enlightenment Stūpa), Cheng-kuan loved to read Tu-shun's Fa-chieh-kuan-men (the Contemplation of Dharma Realm) and Fa-tsang's Wuang-chien-huan-yuan-kuan (The Contemplation of ending the ignorance and back to the origin). During the mid-Tang, there were two generals An lun-san and Shih ssu-ming who tried to overthrow the Tang Empire. After the rebellion of An lun-san and Shih ssu-ming (C.755-762 A.D.), Cheng-kuan went to the Mt. Wu-tai where was the holy place for the belief of Mañjuśrī. Cheng-kuan stayed in the Hua-yen temple of Mt. Wu-tai for about ten years. By the invitation of the Sa^ngha there, Cheng-kuan started writing Hua-yen sūtra commentary and finished it in C.780 A.D. Due to the profound meaning and the wide range that.

Hua-yen sūtra commentary was related to, Cheng-kuan with his disciples Seng-juei and Chih-kai wrote Hua-yen sūtra sub-commentary forty volumes and notes of one hundred volumes. Cheng-kuan also gave lecture on Hua-yen sūtra to three Tang Emperors: Der-tsung, Shun-tsung and Hsien-tsung. He translated Hua-yen-forty with Prajñā and wrote ten volumes of commentary for Hua-yen-forty.[162] Hua-yen sūtra Outline in three volumes, The Manual of Hua-yen sūtra, Five Aggregates one volume Dharma-dhātu Profound Mirror in one volume and The Essential of Mind in one volume.

III. The Doctrinal Classification of Cheng-kuan

In the doctrinal classification, Hui-yuan did not follow the categories of the five teachings and ten schools that Fa-tsang established. Instead, he set up his own system of doctrinal division with four teachings: the Heretic Teaching, the Śrāvaka and Pratyeka-Buddhas Teaching, the Bodhisattvas Teaching, and The Tathāgatas Teaching. Cheng-kuan criticized Hui-yuan's distortion of the Hua-yen doctrine. According to Cheng-kuan's biographical source, Cheng-kuan always sighed on the fact that Fa-tsang's disciples could not understand his profound teaching, and after the time of Fa-tsang, his disciples were blind to the great Dharma. In the Miao-chieh-ta-chi,[163] Cheng-kuan said,“How unique One Vehicle distinctive teaching is! Fa-tsang knew it well, but his followers did not understand its significance. Every time I feel sorrow for the ambiguity of doctrine and the incomplete writing after Master Fa-tsang passed away. His successor did not have clear understanding of the doctrine, I should not keep silent this time!”The successor here is supposed to refer to Hui-yuan.

Cheng-kuan in the Hua-yen sūtra commentary criticized Hui-yuan,[164]“The change of the five teachings into four teachings and the mixture with heresy have blurred the distinction between the provisional and the ultimate of the teaching. How to relocate the Sudden Teaching and the Gradual Teaching?”Da-hsien, the disciple of Hui-yuan, had tried to clarify Hui-yuan's theory by writing Kan-ting-chi-tsuan-shih (The interpretation of Kan-ting-chi),[165] unfortunately, the original writing so far remained unfound.

In the Miao-chieh-ta-chi, Cheng-kuan said that he could not keep silent any longer. He determined to correct Hui-yuan's theory and return to the Hua-yen tradition. Cheng-kuan wrote Hua-yen sūtra commentary sixty volumes and Sub-commentary ninety volumes to revive Fa-tsang's doctrine. In the Sub-commentary vol. one, two and ten, he criticized Hui-yuan's theory. In Hua-yen sūtra commentary vol. four, he explained the definition of five teachings and ten schools. His interpretation was inherited from Fa-tsang's doctrinal classification in the book of Hua-yen one vehicle teaching.[166]

In Hua-yen sūtra commentary vol. four, Cheng-kuan mentioned about the five teachings from two aspects[167]: firstly, from the meaning to classify the teachings and secondly, from the teaching to classify the schools. From the meaning to classify the teachings, according to Fa-tsang's categoris, Cheng-kuan discussed five teachings as follows: the Hīnayāna Teaching, the Mahāyāna Initial Teaching, the Mahāyāna Final Teaching, the Mahāyāna Instant Teaching and the Complete Teaching. (1) The Hīnayāna teaching (小乘教) is similar to the teaching of three pi.takas: sūtra, Vinaya and Abhidharma that Tien-tai School has classified. (2) The Mahāyāna Initial Teaching (大乘始教) also means separated teaching, which holds that the icchantika cannot attain the Enlightenment, and the icchantika is separated from those who can attain the Enlightenment. Only the Śrāvaka and the Pratyeka-Buddha can attain the Enlightenment. The Mahāyāna Initial teaching does not perfect the meaning of the Mahāyāna, so it is meant an initial teaching. (3) The Mahāyāna Final Teaching (大乘終教) is also named real teaching. Śrāvaka, the Pratyeka-Buddha and the icchantika all can attain the Enlightenment. The Mahāyāna final teaching can perfect the meaning of the Mahāyāna, so it is meant the final teaching. It fulfills the real truth, so called real teaching. Both of the Initial and Final Teaching have the sequence to follow in their cultivation, so they are called Gradual Teaching. (4) The Mahāyāna Instant Teaching (大乘頓教): The state of mind is free from thought and even there is not a thought to arise, so it is called Buddha. The Instant Teaching has no sequential order in its teaching, so it is called Instant Teaching. As Vicesacintabrahma pariprcch points out, to understand the nature of all Dharmas does not process from one bhūmi to another bhūmi. According to the Lankavatara sūtra, after the cultivation has been through eight stages (bhūmi) and attaining the level beyond any sequence, the cultivation is different from the previous gradual process, and different from the complete teaching as well, so it is called tun (instant or sudden). To preach the truth of instantaneity, it is called Instant Teaching. To reveal the truth beyond words instantly and free from all mental activity are equally applied to Ch'an Buddhism. (5) The Complete Teaching (一乘圓教): The process of Bodhisattva's practice includes ten abodes, ten practices, ten dedications and ten stages. In the course of ten abodes, there are ten beliefs in the first abode of setting one's heart on to the Enlightenment. As soon as a practitioner sets his heart onto the Enlightenment by accomplishing ten beliefs in the first abode, he will be progressing towards the further levels of practice. From this viewpoint, the Complete Teaching holds that the practice of the first abode will equally encompass the practice of the rest levels. In the infinite Dharma realm, the ocean-like Buddhahood's nature is perfect and harmonious. The interdependent origination has no obstruction. All Dharmas interweave and interpenetrate one another, like the pearls of the Indra's net, they reflect one another repeatedly and infinitely.

Aside from the above Cheng-kuan basically followed the categories that Fa-tsang had established to classify the contemporary Chinese and Indian Buddhism in the Tang era with ten schools.[168]

(1) Both Dharmas and the self exist (我法俱有宗).

The Vātsi-putriyah, Dharmottarīyāh (法上部) and Bhadrayānik(賢冑部) Schools hold that the Dharmas as well as the self do exist. According to Vātsī-putrīyah School (犢子部), the Dharmas are sa.msk.rta (有為法) Dharmas that are causally produced, and the asa.msk.rta (無為法) Dharmas that are not causally produced, and neither sa^msk.rta nor asa^msk.rta Dharmas. Dharmas exist in three periods: the past, the present and the future. Pudgala (補特伽羅) was viewed as the quasi-permanent self (非實我) that makes sa.msāra (輪迴) possible.

(2) Dharmas exist while the self does not (法有我無宗).

The Sarvāsti-vāda (薩婆多部), Haimavata (雪山部) and Bahusrutiya (多聞部) Schools think that all Dharmas have the eternal essence, while the self does not.

(3) Dharmas only exist in the present (法無去來宗).

According to the Mahāsanghika (大眾部) School and its branches, in the past or future, Dharmas do not come into existence or going to extinction. All Dharmas have the substantial existence only in the present. Dharmas of the past and the future have neither function nor substance.

(4) The Dharmas in the present are either false or real (現通假實宗).

The Dharmas in the past and future has no real substance, even the Dharmas in the present are either false or real. The Prajñāpti-vadin (假說部) School holds that only five aggregates are real while eighteen realms of senses (the six organs, six objects and six perceptions) are false. The advocates of Satya-siddhi śāstra (成實論) and the Sautrāntika (經量部) School have the same opinions.

(5) The earthly world is illusionary only the absolute is real (俗妄真實宗).

According to Lokottara-vāda (說出世部) School, everything in the secular world is illusionary, but the truth related to the Enlightenment is not illusionary, only the fruition of attaining Buddhahood is real.

(6) Dharmas are only the names of designation (諸法但名宗).

The Eka-vyavaharika (一說部) School holds that all Dharmas are only represented by the names because Dharmas have no substantial existence.

(7) Three natures are either empty or existent (一切皆空宗).

Among the three natures (trisvabhāva), the imaginary nature is empty but the perfect nature is existent.

(8) The true emptiness is formless (真德不空宗).

The mind as well as the object is abolished, and the essence is directly revealed.

(9) The emptiness and the existence are non-obstructive (相想俱絕宗).

The emptiness and the existence do not hinder each other but interfuse with each other. The tathatā as well as the conditional existence is embodied with the immense goodness, as countless as the Ganges sand.

(10) Everything is mutually encompassing with virtue (圓明具德宗).

Phenomenon and Phenomenon have no obstruction; the principal and the attendants are complementary to each other with the infinite independence.

(3) Cheng-kuan and the Contemplation of Four Dharma Realms

All Dharmas are based on the causes and conditions, for example, one Dharma is base on the an other. If this Dharma arises, so does the other. Then, it is said that all the existence is dependent arising. According to Hua-yen School, the Dharma Realm overall is a world of dependent arising, which does not only come from the power of karma or only from the Ālaya Vijñāna or the bhūta tathatā. The hundreds and thousands of Dharmas are causes and conditions to one another, dependent on one another, and mutually relating one another to the infinite. The key role of the dependent arising, is Ālaya Vijñāna for the Vijñāna School, the karma for the Dharmalak.sa.na School and the bhūta tathatā for the Dharmatā School. The Hua-yen School covers all of those three viewpoints and its perspective of the existence is named as the Dharma realm interdependent origination.

Dharma Realm interdependent origination is the perspective that Hua-yen School looks at the world, or say, its view of the existence in the universe. Cheng-kuan has the contemplation of four Dharma Realms, which are Dharma Realms of the Phenomena, the Principle, Non-obstruction of Principle and Phenomena, Non-obstruction between Phenomena and Phenomena. Dharma Realm of the Phenomena means a variety of phenomenal existences. Dharma Realm of the Principle means the noumenal world. Dharma Realm of Non-obstruction between Principle and Phenomena means that the phenomenal world is the manifestation of the noumenal world without conflicting each other, just like the waves to the water. The Dharma Realm of Non-obstruction between Phenomena and Phenomena means that since the principle is the foundation of all phenomena, and can accommodate all phenomena extensively; there is non-obstruction between phenomena and phenomena. It metaphysically refers to the fact that when a person has achieved the highest stages of meditation through the contemplation of four Dharma realms, he will not have any awareness of the difference of the phenomenal world, and this is the entry to the Nirvā.na.

Furthermore, Cheng-kuan put forth his idea about Oneness Reality of Dharma Realm. Cheng-kuan claims that one mind accommodates all the existence. It is called Dharma Realm of Oneness Reality since one mind unifies and encompasses all the existence. Oneness Reality of Dharma Realm is the essence of profoundness. According to the Oneness Reality of Dharma Realm, that is, the one mind, which generates four Dharma realms respectively. Numerous texts in Cheng-kuan's Hua-yen sūtra Commentary have the same idea as mentioned above. For Cheng-kuan, it indeed shows that the mind of all sentient beings can unfold the complete manifestation of the Enlightenment, which is close to the state of Oceanic Seal Samādhi when Buddha attains his Enlightenment in the calmness of meditation.

E. The Fifth Patriarch Kuei-feng (Tsung-mi)

(1) Biographical sketch

The fifth Hua-yen Patriarch Tsung-mi (C.780-841 A.D.) was from Szuchwuan province. He once lived in Mt. Kuei feng, so he was also called Kuei-feng (Feng means the top of mountain). He was from a scholar family that took the Confucianism study as the major career for generations. He studied Confucianism before he was sixteen. After his eighteenth birthday (C.807 A.D.), he was about to take a national test to be an official. He met Da-Yuen (大雲) Temple Ch'an Master Tao-yen (道圓). He studied Buddhism and followed Ch'an Master Tao-yen. His inquiry of Dharma from Tao-yen was truly in accord with his mind. He asked to be ordained to be a novice at the age of twenty-seven.

When Tsung-mi was a Śrama.nera, one day, he went with all monks to official Jen-guan's (任灌) house where vegetarian feast for the monks were provided. Tsung-mi was sitting behind all the monks and got twelve chapters of the Perfect Enlightenment sūtra at this time of assembly. As soon as he had finished reading two chapters, he was enlightened with great joy. He came back and told Tao-yen. Tao-yen said, “This sūtra was given to you by all the Buddhas. You should extend the complete and intuitive teachings. You can go now, do not stay here any longer. He then accepted complete commandments to be a monk and said goodbye to Tao-yen. He visited Ch'an Master Chung in the south of Szuchwuan, and Ch'an Master Chau in Lo-yang. Chung said,“This is the one who can extend the Buddha's teachings.”Chau (照) said,“He is the buddhisattva kind of person.”

He went ahead to the south, and arrived in Hsiang Hang (襄漢) area in (C.810 A.D.) He met Imperial Master Ching-liang's disciple Ling-fung(靈峰) at the Huei-juei (恢覺) temple. Ling-fung gave him the twenty volumes Hua-yen commentaries and forty volumes notes on Hua-yen commentaries. After reading all of those writings, he was so delighted that he said,[170]“Our Ch'an School meets the southern school, and the teachings meet the Perfect Enlightenment sūtra. Just for one word's discussion, the mind is clear and open. Only among one scroll, the meaning of Dharma was bright enough to shine the heaven. Now I get this great Dharma, how lucky I am!”Thereafter, he gave a lecture at the temple. The next year, he went to the eastern capital to worship the pagoda of previous Masters and stayed at Yung-mu (永穆) temple. He was asked to give a lecture again. Among the audience, was a person named Tai-kung (泰恭), who was so deeply moved that he cut off one of his arms to thank for the grace of lecturing sūtra.

Tsung-mi had never met Ching-liang, so he wrote Ching-ling a letter, in which he mentioned that he understood the section of Joint and Pulse well in Commentaries. He recognized himself as the student of Ching-ling and paid respect to him in the letter. Tung-mi sent his disciples Shuan-kuei (玄珪) and Chih-fei (智輝) to deliver his message. Ching-liang said,[171]“I will not teach him unless he comes to see me in person. He really grasped the main points of my words. What he understands is exactly what I mean. The situation as such never happened before. If it is not due to the holy power, it must result from the cultivation of the past lifetime. He is the so called true son of the Dharma wheel king. If I can see him in person to prove what he understands, I have no other request.”Tsung-mi went to meet Ching-ling in Capital Cheng-an. Ching-liang said,[172]“Without you, who could be the one to follow me and search in the ocean-like vastness and profoundness of Dharma from the Hua-yen sūtra?”In the first two years, Tsung-mi followed Ching-liang to study day and night. Then, Tsung-mi started lecturing at some other temples while frequented Ching-liang to ask for instructions if he had questions.

After studying for several years, in (C.816 A.D.), Tsung-mi finished the Outlines and structure of perfect Enlightenment sūtra, Essentials compiled (圓覺科文、纂要 ). He vowed not to go out of the mountain, and studied the Tripi.taka all over again for three years. When he accomplished what he had vowed, he wrote the Commentaries on the essentials-compiled of vajracchedikā sūtra and one volume of the Notes at Hsing-fu temple. Next year during the spring, at Hsing-fu (興福) temple and Bau-sou (保壽) temple, he edited the Collection of commentaries on vijñāmātra śāstra in two volumes (唯識疏). In (C.822 A.D.), he revised the Interpretations on perfect Enlightenment sūtra (圓覺經解), in the years to come, he wrote the Synthetic research on the Hua-yen sūtra (華嚴綸貫), the Commentaries on the four division Vinaya (四分律疏) and the Commentaries on the Perfect Enlightenment sūtra including the Great commentaries (圓覺大疏) in three volumes, the Great notes in thirteen volumes (大鈔), the Drift commentaries in two volumes (略疏), the Small notes in six volumes (小鈔); and the Disciplines and ritual on the Buddhist monastery in eighteen volumes (道場修證儀).

In C.828 A.D., Emperor Wen-Tzung invited Tsung-mi to the palace, and asked him about the significance of Dharma. Tsung-mi was granted with purple robe and respected by all officials. A high ranking official Yun-jau (溫造) asked,[173]“One who realizes truth and ceases ignorance will not generate karma, after his death, where is his spirit to go?”To this Master Tsung-mi answered:

“All sentient beings are not endowed without the nature of Enlightenment. Such nature is illuminating, empty and tranquil, same as that of the Buddha. Since the past endless kalpā, people have never come to realize this point. Instead, they cling to the material body as the self, then generate love or aversion, and hanker after the feeling to generate karma. In terms of the karma, people receive what is resulted. Birth, decay, sickness and death, run the wheel of sa^msāra (輪迴) (transmigration) for long kalpā.

Nevertheless, the nature of Enlightenment among inner self never experienced the birth or the death. It is like that the dream is slaved, while the body stays still and calm. It is like that the pool water becomes ice, while the nature of its moisture stays unchanged. If one realizes that this nature of Enlightenment is the Dharmakāya (法身) (embodiment of truth), and it has no origin in itself, then where does the dependence come from? The truth is immediately understood, while the false illusion is hard to completely eliminate. One has to be aware all the time, and keeps decreasing and decreasing the delusion.

Nevertheless, One can take emptiness and tranquility as the entity of self instead of the material formation. One should take the pervasive consciousness as the mind itself instead of the delusion. If any delusion arises; one should not go after it at all. Even at the moment of death, karma cannot harness itself. Only the antara-bhāva (中有) (the intermediate state of existence between death and reincarnation) is free to head for everywhere, heaven or earth, it could be anywhere. If the sense of thirst or aversion does not arise, one will not be conditioned by the different stages of formation. If the defilement is flowing into the emptiness and tranquility, the great wisdom of perfect Enlightenment will be totally illuminating. To teach the sentient beings of different inclination in different ways is so called the Buddha.

The Dharmapada says,“To do things with justice is the mind of awareness and Enlightenment. To do things with injustice is the mind of turbulence. Turbulence hankers after the feelings and desires, at the moment of death, dragged by the karma. Awareness and Enlightenment that are not influenced by feelings and desires, at the moment of death, can change the course of karma.”

Tsung-mi wrote commentaries and notes on the Mahāyāna Śraddhotpāda śāstra (起信論), the Nirvā.na sūtra, the Ullambana sūtra (盂蘭盆經疏), the Sāmantabhadras's vows and the insights of Dharma Realm (註法界觀門). He also edited all Ch'an Master's words as the Collected dialogue on Ch'an school origin (禪源諸詮) and about ninety volumes consisting of the Dharmapada, letters, and articles. On January sixth in (C.841 A.D.), Tsung-mi disciplined his disciples with words. He also asked them to feed the birds and animals with his corpse, burn the bones and distribute the relics. After those words, he sat in perfect rest and passed away. After cremation, there were numerous śarīrās of Master Tsung-mi. All of those were bright and shinny. His disciples asked for the Master's śarīrās and kept them in a cave. Tsung-mi had several thousand of disciples and lay followers. He was sixty-two when he passed away and he had been a monk for thirty-four years.

Minister Pei-shiou wrote memorial words for Tsung-mi to carve on the stele, which summarized Tsung-mi's deeds and doctrines as follows:

[174]The mind is the sum of all Dharma, from which branch Samādhi and Prajñā, unfolding as six Pāramitās (六度) (charity, precept, patience, diligence, meditation, wisdom), and expanding as myriad practice. Myriad practice never violated the mind; the mind never disobeyed myriad practice. Ch'an Masters take these principles as the way to follow: Insight is the key entrance to the Dharma, and tranquility is the right taste. Take kindness and patience as the armor and helmet, wisdom and determination as the sword and spear, then it is made possible to suppress the evil and release the prisons. Our Master felt shame that poor sons kept wondering and there is no way home. He also felt shame that poor daughters did not get rich (This is to imply that they should take Dharma-learning as home and fortune). Our Master felt shame that the Three Vehicles were not well developed and the Four Divisions of the Vinaya are not well promoted. Our Master felt shame that royalty and filial piety did not cultivate people at the same time. He felt shame that the Dharma-preaching duty was not properly fulfilled.

Therefore, our Master was eager to help and thought it was urgent to awake and instruct people. He was not proud of himself with his deeds and virtues. Whoever wanted to take refuge in the teachings of the Buddha, our Master went to help without invitation. Whoever wanted to be benefited by learning Dharma, he went to enlighten him without resentment. He did not spare the courtesy when treating little kids. He was not tired of encouraging and disciplining the arrogant and the ruthless. He is really the Bodhisattva that Tathāgata can count on, the helpful friend of all living beings without begging. He is one of the four refuges (moral and spiritual means for religious ascetic practitioners)! He is the man of the ten stages (the developmental process of a Bodhisattva into a Buddha)!

Tsung-mi's relics were kept in the pagoda named Ching-lian (青蓮) (green lotus) stūpa. He was posthumously knighted as Ding-hwei (定慧) Ch'an Master by Emperor Xuan-Tzung.

(2) The Transformation of Doctrinal Classification in Tsung-mi and Thought of Five Doctrinal Classifications

Tsung-mi was born in the late Tang period (C.780 A.D.) and died in the first year of Hui-chang during the time of Emperor Wu-tzung (C.841 A.D.). He was from a wealthy family and studied Confucianism in his youth. Tsung-mi was ordained by Monk Tao-yen of Ho-tse School to learn the Ch'an Buddhism when he was twenty-seven. Later, he read Cheng-kuan's Commentaries of Hua-yen sūtra and grasped its profound meaning deeply. He then followed Cheng-kuan to learn Hua-yen sūtra for several years. In the Chung-nan Mt. of San-hsi province, he had lived long term in the Chau-tang temple of southern kuei-feng, so scholars called him Kuei-feng Great Master.

Tsung-mi is respected as the fifth Hua-yen Patriarch. In fact, the thought of Tsung-mi is not purely the Hua-yen doctrine, but mixing with quite a lot of the Southern line Ch'an Buddhism. As to the Buddhism itself, Tsung-mi unified Ch'an practice and teaching. Outside the Buddhism, Tsung-mi tried to synthesize Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. Compared to the thought of Fa-tsang and Cheng-kuan, Tsung-mi's thought was far more complicated.

In the Inquiry into Humanity,[175] Tsung-mi put forth his theory of five teachings. (1) The Human and Heaven Teaching (2) The Hīnayāna Teaching (3) The Mahāyāna Dharma Phenomena Teaching (4) The Denial of Dharma Phenomena Teaching (the Mahāyāna teaching of emptiness) (5) One Vehicle Manifesting Nature Teaching.

Tsung-mi's doctrinal classification is quite different from that of Fa-tsang, especially the fifth teaching. For Fa-tsang, the fifth teaching is One Vehicle Complete Teaching, the highest among five teachings. By contrast, in the system of Tsung-mi's doctrinal classification, the significant difference is that Tsung-mi brings Ch'an into Hua-yen. One Vehicle Manifesting Nature Teaching is referred to the unification of Ch'an and Hua-yen Buddhism, which is marked as the most profound in Tsung-mi's five teachings.

Moreover, Tsung-mi divided Ch'an Buddhism into three sub-levels, and he divided the teaching into three sub-divisions as well. Each level of Ch'an Buddhism has its corresponding teaching. Tsung-mi attempted to bring Ch'an practice and the teaching together. However, as far as the Hua-yen doctrine is concerned, Tsung-mi still followed the system of Fa-tsang and Cheng-kuan to elucidate the Hua-yen thought such as the Four Dharma Realms and Ten Mysterious Gates when he made interpretation on Contemplation of Hua-yen Dharma Realm.[176] Tsung-mi was the expert and scholar of Ch'an Buddhism and the historian of Ch'an lineage. He collected and edited the writings of various branches of Chinese Ch'an Buddhism. This collection was named Ch'an-yuan–chuan-chi, which covered the writings and documents about one hundred famous Ch'an Masters. The Ch'an branches were about ten in member if classified according to their doctrine.

Unfortunately, the main text of this collection was lost, only its preface Ch'an-yuan-chuan-chi-tus-hsu[177] remained as a short document so far. However, from this preface, we still can trace back the development and evolution of the various branches of the Ch'an Buddhism in the Tang era. Tsung-mi once drew a chart of the Ch'an lineage for Minister Pei-shou to answer his question about Ch'an Buddhism. When illustrating this chart, Tsung-mi also gave a precise description to explain the historical development of Ch'an Buddhism, and the commonness or difference among various Ch'an branches. This chart was very helpful to the study of Ch'an Buddhism history.

It is worthy to mention that Tsung-mi categorized Ch'an Buddhism from the viewpoint of the Southern line Ho-tse School. Tsung-mi had analyzed and interpreted different branches of Ch'an Buddhism; he especially admired Hui-neng and Shen-hui of the Southern line, which was viewed as“The original meaning of the birth of Śākyamuni and the arrival of Master Bodhidharma”.

Moreover, the important writings of Tsung-mi include commentaries and sub-commentaries of Sāmantabhadra's practice and vow, commentaries on the awakening of faith, and commentaries on the perfect Enlightenment sūtra.

(3) The Historical Evaluation of Tsung-mi

In the ninth year of Tai-ho (C.835 A.D.), Emperor Wen-tsung felt threatened by the eunuchs. The groups of eunuchs were becoming dominating and held the political power. The Emperor Wen-tsung eventually lost control over them and attempted to get rid of them. The official of the National Academy Li hsiun (李訓), who was the son of minister Li fang-chi (李逢吉), provoked the hatred to the eunuchs to please the Emperor Wen-tsung. Once Li hsiun lectured on the book of I-ching, he especially cited the popular criticism of the eunuchs in society to make Emperor Wen-tsung feel more irritated with the eunuchs. Li hsiun became so close to the Emperor that he got a promotion by the Emperor. In this year (C.835 A.D.), Li hsiun staged a coup, which was named the Coup of Sweet Dew in Chinese history. Emperor Wen-tsung and Li hsiun plotted to kill the eunuchs by the excuse of inviting them to see the sweet dew from the heaven in the inner palace. The inner palace soldiers were divided into two groups. There was disagreement among the soldiers of Li hsiun's group. The eunuchs led five hundred inner palace soldiers to fight. The official Li hsiun was beaten and passed out. In the end, the eunuchs disarmed the soldiers of Li hsiun's group, and the forces that represented the side of the officials collapsed as well.

In fact, Emperor Wen-tsung tried to minimize the power of Buddhism and the eunuchs. The eunuchs were always in charge of religious affairs and took the position of religious affairs supervisors. As a result, the eunuchs took the side with the monks and nuns. By contrast, most of the officials and intellectuals of Tang dynasty opposed Buddhism to protect the Confucianism and Chinese traditional culture. The officials had to take a national service examination before working in the imperial court, and there educational background naturally made some of them disagree with Buddhism. After the failure of Sweet Dew Coup, the official Li hsiun escaped to seek for protection. Ironically, he looked for help from Tsung-mi in Mt. Chung-nan. Tsung-mi tried to shave off Li hsiun's head to hide him in the Sa^ngha, but other monks stopped Tsung-mi from doing so. Li hsiun then escaped to Fang-hsiang (鳳翔) to stay with his co-plotter Cheng Chu (鄭注). Both of them finally were arrested and killed. The religious affairs supervisor Chou shi-liang (仇士良) was mad with Tsung-mi for Tsung-mi had helped Li-hsiun to hide. Chou shi-liang ordered the soldiers of Left District of Chang-an (長安) to arrest Tsung-mi and tried to kill him. Tsung-mi was not frightened at all. Tsung-mi said,“I have known Li hsiun for years; and I knew his rebellion, too. However, the Buddha's teaching is to rescue the suffered. I do not love my own life; I am willing to die.”Junior officer Yu hung-chih admired Tsung-mi's courage and asked for mercy for him. From this event, we can see that Tsung-mi was so courageous without the fear of death. The later historians gave Tsung-mi's transcendental attitude a very high evaluation. The historian of Sung dynasty Chu hsiou(祖琇) said,“The history book of Tang recorded Tsung-mi's story for he had great virtue. Tsung-mi had the eyes of Dharma to understand the Buddha's insight. Tsung-mi expounded the religious doctrine with his talent of eloquence. Once he encountered the uncertainty of death, he still kept calm and confident. The practice corresponds to the religious understanding that is what Tsung-mi did!”[178]

Twelve years after the death of Tsung-mi, his good friend Minister Pei-shiou (裴休) wrote memorial words on the stele for him. It was recorded as follows: Emperor Hsiun-tsung (宣宗) honored Tsung-mi posthumously and titled him Ding-hwei (定慧) Ch'an Master in the Green Lotus Pagoda. The Pagoda had to be built and the stone stele had to be carved. Tsung-mi formed his own school of doctrine, which should be the guide for the scholars.”Ding-Hwei (calmness and wisdom) as Tsung-mi's name referred to his religious achievement, and Green Lotus as his Pagoda's name referred to his virtue like the lotus, arising from muddy soil without filth. The stone stele also had Tsung-mi's will on it,“I understand that the material form can not stay forever, while the real spirit will last for kaplās. The constant changing one is me. Burn my remains to feed the bugs and dogs. Do not put me in the grave or pagoda; do not feel sad to disturb the calmness of Ch'an insight. Every Ching-ming - the day on the fourth lunar month that Chinese used to memorize the dead - you go to the mountain graveyard side, and preach Dharma for seven days. All of you should follow the rules and ritual of Dharma to act, or you are not my disciples!”[179]

CHAPTER 4 PERSECUTION OF BUDDHISM BY EMPEROR WU-TZUNG DURING THE PERIOD OF HUI-CHANG

In the late Tang dynasty, before the full-scale persecution of Buddhism launched by Emperor Wu-tzung (C.841-846 A.D.), there were all kinds of activities for preaching the Dharma. Except the expansion of the doctrine from various Buddhist schools, some activities of preaching sermon were directly associated with the daily life of the public. In seasonal festivals, Dharma sermons were taught either in combination with stories or in the common language that was easy for the masses to understand. The contents of the sūtras were written into the popular narratives of religious theme, including the Hua-yen sūtra, Lotus sūtra, Vimalakīrti-nirdśa (維摩經), and Nirvā.na sūtra, and etc.

During that time, there were monks (called Dharma teachers) who traveled from village to village and preached Dharma to the public. The laity also initiated the Buddhist association in the community and invited local monks to hold the regular sermon. For example, the Sa^ngha of Tz-en temple (慈恩寺), Hsieng-tang temple (興唐寺) in Chang-an, planted peony flowers. In the seasonal festivals, they had the laity gathering for celebration and opened the peony garden for appreciation.

At that time, the popular objects of worship of Bodhisattvas included Maitreiya, Amitāba, Avalokiteśvara and Mañjuśrī. Wu-tai Mountain was especially considered as the abode of Mañjuśrī and his Dharma-preaching site in the Hua-yen sūtra. Due to that Mt. Wu-tai then was viewed as a holy place and became the religious belief center.

Emperor Wu-tzung (C.840-845 A.D.)believed in Taoism very much; Taoist priest Chao kuei-jen (趙歸真) was already free to get in and out of the inner palace. Emperor Wu-tzung had planned to destroy the Buddhism, and in (C.831 A.D.) he prohibited the construction of Buddhist temples. Du-mu (杜牧) mentioned in the[180] Heng-chou-hsin-choa-nan-tin-ts-chi“Emperor Wu-tzung once told the minister that in the ancient time, one farmer could feed three persons, now, plus the soliders and Sa^ngha, …… people of the nation are especially drained out by Buddhist monks. The Emperor considered the strong foundation and influence of the Sa^ngha in the nation, and could not simply get rid of them.”Minister Li hsien also suggested the dismissal of the monks and nuns in the temple of inner palace, and Wen-tzung allowed him to do so. Until the time of Wu-tzung (C.841-846 A.D.), Chinese Buddhism went through a tremendous disaster. Japanese monk Ennin (圓仁) came to China by sea to seek for the Dharma after he failed twice, he finally arrived in Chang-an on the twenty-third of the eighth lunar month in C.840 A.D. Emperor Wu-tzung was already in power, and Ennin witnessed the disaster of Buddhist persecution under the reign of Wu-tzung (武宗). Five years later, Ennin returned to the laity. He took risk to sneak back to Japan. Ennin himself had experienced the persecution of Buddhism in China, so he described this miserable situation in detail in four volumed Ju-Tang-chu-fa-hsin-li-chi (The notes of entering into Tang to seek the Dharma and pay homage).

Wu-tzung was enthroned to be the Tang Emperor on the fourteenth day of the first lunar month in C.840 A.D. A cerebration with vegetarian feast and Buddhist ritual was held on the birthday of Wu-tzung in the fourth lunar month in this year. In the first year of Hui-chang (會昌) (C.841 A.D.), on the anniversary of the death of the ancestors of Tang reign, that is, the fourth day of the first lunar month, Emperor Wu-tzung announced officially to hold memorial service with Buddhist ceremony and vegetarian meals.[181] On the ninth day, there was Dharma lecture in the palace. At this time, Emperor Wu-tzung still followed the previous rules and did not plan to persecute the Buddhist monks and nuns yet. However, on the eleventh day of the sixth lunar month, the birthday of Wu-tzung, the imperial court hosted a birthday party provided with vegetarian food. In the feast, two Buddhist monks and two Taoist priests debated on Taoism and Buddhism. After the debate, the two Taoist priests were granted with purple robes as the highest honor and recognition, but the Buddhist monks got nothing. The monk Chi-hsuan (知炫) criticized the fallacy of the Taoist priests. Even the Emperor Wu-tzung and Taoist priest Cheng-bing (張賓) could not convince him. A Southern Indian monk Rantacandra went to the imperial court without asking for permission from the authority beforehand. Rantacandra and his disciples petitioned to return to India. Rantacandra (三藏寶月) was arrested because he violated the authority. Three disciples of Rantacandra were beaten up seven times with a wand, and the general affairs monk ten times. Rantacandra was not beaten up but not allowed to go back to India.

In the late Tang dynasty, Buddhist and Taoist groups strove for leadership. The Taoist priest Chao kuei-jen suggested that since the Emperor of Tang had the same family name with Lao-tzu (老子), Lao-tzu then should be honored as the ancestor of the royal family. Lao-tzu was the author of Tao-te-ching(道德經) (Classic of the Way and its Virtue). This small classic, Tao-te-ching, of about five hundred words was adopted as the major scripture by the founder of the Taoism and Lao-tzu was treated as the spiritual guider of Taoism as well. Taoism was very much protected by the imperial court, while Buddhism was pushed aside by false charge. In the first year of Hui-chang (C.841 A.D.), Taoist priest Chao kuei-jen was called in to the court. Chao kuei-jen conducted an open ritual and converted Emperor Wu-tzung to Taoism by awarding Wu-tzung with Fa-lu (法籙)[182], which was the family tree like booklet listeing all the names of Taoist celestial deities. To accept Fa-lu means to become a Taoist formally. In the sixth lunar month, another Taoist priest Liu hsuan-ching (劉玄靖) was summoned to the court and worked together with Chao kuei-jen on editing Fa-lu (法籙).[183] Both of the Taoist priests were trusted and offered high-ranking official positions. In the second year of Hui-chang (C.842 A.D.), premier minister Lee der-yu officially presented a report, in which he suggested something hostile to the monks and nuns. The Emperor Wu-tzung then ordered to dismiss the monks and nuns who had no official registry, and stopped them to ordain any young srāma.nera (novices) as their disciples. All of those incidents already marked the beginning of persecution. On the twenty-fifth day of the fifth lunar month, there was an imperial inquiry on the specialties and academic studies of foreign monks. On the twenty-ninth day, on both the east and west districts of the capital, there were twenty monks from the major temples of each district, and their beneficial offering were terminated. On the eleventh of the six lunar month, the birthday of the Emperor, the imperial court required that Buddhist monks and Taoist priests take a doctrinal debate between Buddhism and Taoism in front of the Emperor. On the ninth day of the tenth lunar month, it was decreed that all of the monks and nuns who once exercised the skills of burning themselves, incantation, breath-enduring had to return to the laity. Those who once were army deserters, having the beating scar and the tattoo on their bodies, skillful craftsmen, and those who once commited adultery, having wife, violating precepts, all were forced go back to the laity, too. Some monks and nuns owned personal savings, grains and land, and the government confiscated their money and private properties. If they cherished their personal properties and would like to return to the secular life, they would be allowed to do so by joining the corvee labors. The religious affairs supervisor of the Left District reported that about one thousand two hundred and thirty two monks and nuns returned to the laity except those of the elder and the strict-disciplined. In the Right District of the capital, it was also reported that about two thousand two hundred and fifty-nine monks and nuns were dismissed into the laity. As to the servants of the temples, a monk was allowed to keep only one male servant, while a nun could keep two slave girls. The rest of the servants had to go back to their original families, while the homeless ones became the public property for sale by the government. Up to the third year of Hui-chang (C.843 A.D.), on the eighteenth day of the first lunar month, the monks and nuns from both the Right and Left Districts were almost all forced to return to laity. A general, named Chou shi-liang, was a Buddhist and felt very sympathetic to the misery. General Chou shi-liang sent invitation cards to foreign monks and tried to comfort them in person. General Chou shi-liang invited and consoled twenty-one foreign monks in total. They were the southern Indian monk Rantacandra of the Green dragon temple (青龍寺), four other Indian monks, the northern Indian monk Nanda (難陀) of the Shing-shen temple (興善寺), one Sri Lanka monk of Tz-en temple (慈恩寺), the Japanese monks Ennin and his two disciples, all the Korean monks from Sinlo (新羅) and Qiuci (龜茲) monks.

On the first day of the second lunar month (C.843 A.D.), the religious affairs supervisor announced that the monks and nuns who had returned to the laity were forbidden to walk into or stop by the Buddhist temples. The unregistered monks and nuns were not allowed to stay in the capital city. In the middle of the fourth lunar month, it was decreed to kill all the priests of the Manicheism. The Manichee priests were ordered to shave off their heads and dress in kasaya to make them look like the Buddhist monks when they were executed. On the first day of the second lunar month (C.843 A.D.), an official Wei chung-ching (韋宗卿) presented twenty volumes commentary of the Nirvā.na sūtra to the Emperor Wu-tzung. Emperor indicated to burn it up and announced as follows:“Wei chung-ching has been ranked as a respectful official; he is supposed to comply with the teaching of Confucianism. Now, Wei chung-ching has been indulging in the evil heresy and promoting the noxious trend. Wei chung-ching initiated the spiritual confusion, which is totally against the Chinese traditional teaching and civilization from the ancient time. How downcast he is among the civilized Chinese officials. What in the sūtra are not the words of the sages, and it is better to be refuted or denied. The foreign teaching should not be spread and passed down.”

Under the imperial enforcement, the sūtras in the palace were all burned off and the statues of Buddha, Bodhisattva and Devarāja (天王像) were buried as well. In the ninth lunar month (C.843 A.D.), by the imperial command, the religious affairs supervisors of both the Left and Right Districts were asked to check the monks and nuns in the capital. Those who had no official documents of ordination had to return to the laity immediately, and this rule was equally applied to some other areas outside the capital city. Most of the monks and nuns lived in the capital were arrested and investigated without any reason. About three hundred new novices were beaten up or killed. Since the third year of Hui-chang (C.843 A.D.), in the inner palace the Dharma-preaching sermon and sūtra chanting were completely terminated. Those incidents indicate that Wu-tzung was getting radical about destroying the Buddhism. The Japanese monk Ennin petitioned to go back to Japan for over one hundred times, but he was not approved.

In the third lunar month of the fourth year of Hui-chang (C.844 A.D.), the act such as paying homage to Buddha's teeth relics was prohibited by law. The relics of Buddha's finger in the temples of Fa-men (法門寺), Mt. Wu-tai, Pu-kuang and Mt. Chung-nan could not be worshipped either. If any layman dared to pay even ten cents of offering to Buddha's relics would be punished with wand striking on the back twenty times. Any monk or nun who accepted the offerings would get the same insult as well. If the local governors of other states or counties paid offerings to Buddha's relics, and get caught, they would be struck with the wand without exception. As a result, nobody dared to go to those four temples to pay offering. The monks or nuns in those temples whose names should be reported with no official identity could be legally beaten up or killed.

The Everlasting Palace was regularly set up with the images of Buddha and sūtras for paying homage and offering. The monks from the Left and Right Districts of the capital took turns to chant sūtras as the routine. Wu-tzung ordered to burn the sūtras and images, and the monks were dismissed to the places they originally belonged to. Instead, the image of the chief Taoist celestial god was set up for worship. On the Emperor's birthday of this year (C.844 A.D.), the monks would not be invited to the inner palace for doctrinal discourse. Again some new restrictions were imposed on the monks and nuns, who were not allowed to walk on the street or violate the curfew. If anyone went out, he/she had to be back by the time of curfew without staying over the afternoon in other temples. The violator would be punished. In the seventh lunar month, it was decreed that whoever wanted to pay homage to Buddha should change to pay homage to the chief Taoist celestial god instead.[184]

On the Emperor's birthday of this year (C.844 A.D.), the Taoist priests presented a report to the court, in which it was pointed out that, Confucian had predicted that the one dressed in black would become the Emperor after the eighteenth successor of Tang dynasty. The Chinese monk's robe was black, and the one dressed in black signified the monk in this context. Besides, the Emperor Wu-tzung happened to be the eighteenth successor of Tang reign[185]. Emperor Wu-tzung totally believed what the Taoist priests said, and hated Buddhism even more. In the same year, Taoist priest Chao kuei-jen was assigned as the chief professor of the Left and Right Districts. Emperor Wu-tzung attempted to follow the Taoist celestial god and accepted the instruction from Chao kei-jen. Due to the trust and favorite treatment from the Emperor, Taoist priest Chao kuei-jen took the chance to slander Buddhism and Sa^ngha. Chao kuei-jen instigated Wu-tzung to eliminate Buddhism and Sa^ngha because Buddhism was not the teaching of China, by which the Chinese people were enchanted and bewildered. It was better to make Buddhism and the Sa^ngha disappear in China. Emperor Wu-tzung was convinced by his opinions. From the seventh to eighth lunar month, the imperial court started a widespread persecution of Buddhism .

In the seventh month (C.845 A.D.), it was decreed to tear down the vihāra (招提), ara.nya (forest dwellings 蘭若), and small Buddhist shrines (神壇), the wells constructed by the Buddhist volunteers, and the local buildings for the Buddhist vegetarian gathering all over the country. The monks and nuns lived in the vihāra or ara.nya[186] that had to be certified with official recognition, or they definitely had to return to the laity by enforcement. If an ara.nya was officially recognized it would be granted with a horizontal inscribed board at the front entry by the government. Such an ara.nya may be called as temple, but privately built one was not called a temple.

According to Du-mu's Nan-tin-ts-chi[187], as soon as the Emperor Wu-tzung succeeded the throne, he destroyed forty thousand local temples, vihāras and ara.nya from which about one hundred thousand of monks and nuns were dismissed into the laity. In the biography of Tang minister Lee der-yu, it was pointed out that about one thousand four hundred and sixty vihāra were razed in the fourth year of Cheng-ching (C.824 A.D.) before the Wu-tzung's persecution. Japanese monk Ennin also mentioned that in the capital Chang-an, about three hundred Buddhist shrines were ruined since C.843 A.D. The vihāras and ara.nya, Buddhist statues, pagodas either in the capital, remote mountains or countryside were destroyed by enforcement. The sūtras and statues from vihāras and ara.nya were moved to the big temples and the bells were sent to the Taoist places. Only the elder strict-disciplined monks and nuns were allowed to stay in the big temples; most of the monks and nuns were expelled from the vihāras, ara.nya and local temples.

The prime minister Lee der-yu helped the Taoist priests annihilate the Buddhism. By the request of the Taoist priests, primer minister Lee der-yu ordered to keep only four temples respectively in the capitals Lo-yang and Chang-an, and each province kept only one temple, the rest were all razed. The temples were divided into three grades; upper grade retained twenty persons, middle-grade retained ten persons and lower-grade retained five persons. As to the others, they might as well resume secular life. A temple, if not required, was destroyed immediately, and official supervisors were dispatched to perform the order. Properties and farmland were all confiscated by the government. The construction materials of the temple were used to build public offices. The copper statues and bells were casted into iron.[188]

After the persecution, the Buddhist monks and nuns were short of food and clothing. The Buddhist temples were ruined; monks and nuns became homeless. The society was troubled by such a disaster as well. The monks and nuns used to work in the plantation, carriage-rental, banking or trades of the temple economic system, but now they suddenly became unemployed and nowhere to make a living. According to an official document by Lee wei-kuang (李衛公)[189], since most of the Sa^ngha resumed the secular life, the large number of homeless Sa^ngha sank the society into chaos. Robbery and murder in the province of Chiang-hsi (江西) got worse than before. Travel and trade were almost paralyzed there, and the local government blocked the main traffic roads. As a result, it caused lots of inconvenience and complaints. In the end of Tang dynasty, near the Yang-tz (揚子江) and Huai river (淮河) of the San-dung (山東) province, when Wang hsin-chi (王仙芝) and Huang chau (黃巢) revolted against the Tang reign, the mutineers in a very short period of time increased to several hundred thousand in number. People were getting weary and the economy of the nation was in decline, from which the rebellion might have resulted. The uncertain social and political chaos might have well come from the persecution done by the Wu-tzung who never considered the livelihood of the huge number of the Buddhist monks and nuns.

The Taoist priest Chao kuei-jen officially presented a report to Emperor Wu-tzung, in which he said that the Buddha was from the western barbarian area; what the Buddha taught was no rebirth (Nirvā.na), and no rebirth simply meant death. In contrast, Taoism aimed at immortality. Chao kuei-jen said that Taoism was pursuing a life of everlasting youth, and only by taking the medicine extracted through alchemy, a mortal could join the celestial deity to live forever, which was of far greater benefit!

In the inner palace, an altar called celestial platform was built, by which the Taoist priests and followers could communicate with the Taoist deity. Wu-tzung had been dreaming of an everlasting life. However, the sin of destroying Buddhism fastened the death of Wu-tzung, who eventually died by taking chemical poison from the alchemy medicine offered by the Taoist priests.

Wu-tzung died on the twenty-third day of the third lunar month in the sixth year of Hui-chang (C.846 A.D.). As soon as the new Emperor Hsien-tsung (宣宗) succeeded the throne, he ordered to kill Taoist priests Chao kuei-jen and Liu hsuan-ching for they had enchanted Wu-tzung improperly and trampled on Buddhism and the Sa^ngha.[190] Minister Lee der-yu was also expelled from the capital to a deserted and remote area Chu-ai (朱崖) as punishment. Emperor Hsien-tsung restored the Buddhist temples, and annihilated the laws that had put restraints on Buddhism. Nevertheless, the Tang dynasty as well as Buddhism was in decline.

The persecution continued for five years until the death of Emperor Wu-tzung. The temples were razed and the new construction of temples was prohibited. The excessive construction of Buddhist temples had a negative influence on the tax revenue and military service of the nation. Therefore, the temples without government registry would not be recognized. Numerous local temples, personal vihāra were annihilated. The private ordination was not approved, either. Whoever wanted to become a monk or nun had to pass the examination of reciting sūtras. The burning body and finger to show the religious enthusiasm were viewed as an act of self-torture, which was also forbidden. As a result, the Buddhist temples around the nation were annihilated more than half of the original amount.

Various Buddhist schools were popular and flourished during the Tang dynasty, but only Ch'an, Liu (sila) and Tien-tai Buddhist schools survived after the Tang dynasty. Those three schools were rooted firmly in southern China, were the conditions for survival were better. The Hua-yen School established by Fa-tsang inevitably declined after losing the imperial support, especially, after the persecution of the Buddhism. After the time of Tsung-mi, there was a monk named Miao-yuan (妙圓) who belonged to the lineage of Fa-tsang's Dharma family. Miao-yuan had learned from the disciple of Tsung-mi, most of his writings were to interpret Tsung-mi's works, and Miao-yuan was regarded as the sixth patriarch of the Hua-yen School.

CHAPTER 5 THE PROMINENCE OF THE HUA-YEN SCHOOL

The Myriad Practice of Sāmantabhadra

It is impossible to know the richness of Buddhism without studying the Hua-yen sūtra. The Hua-yen School is distinguished from the others because of its one vehicle doctrine based on the Hua-yen sūtra. According to the Hua-yen sūtra, the process toward the Bodhisattva Path covers four major divisions: the belief, the understanding, the practice, and the realization. The whole process again is in the sequence of fifty-two ranks. Starting with the ten beliefs that is equal to an ordinary man's initial determination for the Enlightenment, the process goes through ten abodes, ten practices, ten dedications, ten stages, the equal Enlightenment, wonderful Enlightenment and finally the fruition of Buddhahood. In the Hua-yen eighty volumes, the details have been elucidated. The Hua-yen sūtra is a guideline to direct us on the way to the fruition of Buddhahood. As long as we follow the direction of the Hua-yen sūtra, we can accomplish the great career of the bodhi. This is also one of the main reasons that Hua-yen School is classified as one vehicle complete teaching. By contrast, according to the Lotus sūtra on which Tien-tai School is based, it emphasizes that the real purpose and intention of Buddha's birth and preaching is to enlighten the sentient beings, teach them and open up their insights for the Enlightenment. According to the Lotus sūtra, Buddha reminded us that all sentient beings are endowed with Buddha Nature, as long as every sentient being makes a determination with Mahāyāna heart to the practice of Bodhisattva path, everyone can attain the Buddhahood. But, there is not clear guidance on how to reach the goal as far as the cultivation and realization are concerned. Again, the Pure Land School depends on the power other than oneself. On the verge of death, the western or eastern pure land Buddha will come to guide the practitioner to the pure land. But, on the aspect of independence and self-cultivation, there is no systematic teaching for the practice foundation. Even if a practitioner could be reborn in the pure land, there exist nine different levels for the rebirth in the pure land. Moreover, after the realization of no rebirth, the practitioner has to go back to the sahā world to help the sentient beings, after that, the practitioner can finally attain the fruition of Buddhahood.

There is one major difference between Hua-yen School and Pure Land School. In the chapter titled The practices and vows of Sāmantabhadra, it is mentioned that the ten vows and practices will direct to the land of Ultimate Bliss, but it does not mean that the Hua-yen practitioners will all go to the western pure land. The designation of the land of Ultimate Bliss aims to take the pure land as the precondition and the expediency for practice, but the final goal is to go to the padam-garbha-loka-dhātu (華藏世界). According to the explanation in the Hua-yen sūtra commentary, Hua-yen sūtra is specially to display the Vairocana realm, why to take the pure land as the expediency and the land of the Ultimate Bliss as the final destination? It is because Amitābha Tathāgatas have the excellent expediency to protect the faith, if a practitioner focuses on the Amitābha Recitation or Sāmantabhadra Recitation; all the cultivated goodness will be transferred to the pure land rebirth, the practitioner will be reborn in the pure land. There is no regression on the way to the pure land because of the recitation of Buddha's name and seeing Buddha all the time. According to the Mahāyāna awakening faith,“The sentient beings in the beginning learned this Dharma and wanted to seek the right faith, but short of confidence. This is because the sentient beings live in the sahā world where they all the times could not meet the Buddha and pay offerings in person, so they feel like to withdraw.”Again, in the rewarding world of Vairocana realm, the padam-garbha-loka-dhātu (the lotus treasury world), there is no difference between the ordinary man and two vehicles when they are reborn in padam-garbha-loka-dhātu. By contrast, there are nine divisions when a practitioner is reborn in the Amitābha Pure Land. Amitābha takes forty-eight vows to accept and help all the sentient beings. As to the forty-eight vows of Amitābha and the ten vows of Sāmantabhadra, the substance of which is like the void space, without the limitation of time and space. According to the Mahāyāna awakening faith,“…at the arrival of the western pure land, the practitioner soon sees Amitābha Buddha, Mañjuśrī, Sāmantabhadra, Avalokiteśvara and Maitreya coming around together.” Mañjuśrī and Sāmantabhadra show up in the mind of the sentient beings in the western pure land, so we know that Amitābha Buddha always turn the Dharma-wheel in accordance to the Hua-yen sūtra. The method of pure land cannot be realized without the profound wisdom, and it is impossible to understand the pure cause installed originally in the mind. As far as the wisdom of Mañjuśrī is concerned, without the great majestic wisdom cannot reach the innate pure fruition in the mind. Avalokiteśvara and Maitreya once substitute the position of the Amitābha and Śākyamuni. Two sages stayed in the same assembly to realize that the pure land and padam-garbha-loka-dhātu are the one without duality. Maitreya contemplates ten directions with the vijana, in terms of which he realized the complete and bright perfect nature of the sentient beings, and this is the pure cause of the pure land. Avalokiteśvara with the sensitive response, healing power and various transformations goes everywhere and accomplishes the bodhi. In the Hua-yen sūtra, such ultimate fruition of the pure land is what Sāmantabhadra tries to reach, who acts in accord to the great vows and great practice to benefit the others, and that is the real Bodhiosattva practice. In other words, the virtue of Sāmantabhadra is the mind-set of non-abiding to practice the pāramitā. Fa-tsang explained two thousand ways of Sāmantabhadra's practice in four outlines: first, the liberation from the earthly attachment of illusion, the second, the lack of self-nature of the dependent-arising world, the third, without getting involved in the earthly world when staying in it, the fourth, the ultimate fruition of Buddhahood is all the world without the attachment of earthly world. If a practitioner acts according to the ten Practices and Vows of Sāmantabhadra, the practitioner will be equipped with the sources of the faith, the determination and the practice. According to the sūtra, one thought after one thought without stop, the physical, verbal and mental karma are tireless. The bodhi-heart vows will come to an end until the end of the void space, the end of the realm of the sentient beings, the end of the karma of the sentient beings, and the end of the affliction of the sentient beings. The virtues and merits will be transferred to the pure land of rebirth. According to the sūtra, the practitioner can see himself reborn in the lotus flowers, and have the prophecy from the Buddha. After the prophecy of Buddha, through millions and millions kaplās, with the power of wisdom, the practitioner benefit the sentient beings according to their mind, then he will be supposed to sit in the bodhi preaching site to defeat the māra (魔) to attain the Enlightenment and turn the Dharma-wheel. He can make countless sentient beings set their hearts on bodhi, and teach the sentient beings to the maturity by their inclination, even to the future ocean-like wide kaplās, widely benefiting all sentient beings.

There exists a variety of the deep meaning of Hua-yen Dharma Realm. The method of Buddha Recitation can cover the essential meaning, and it is the one way of convenience. In Tu-shun's Dharma Realm contemplation, there are three ways of Contemplation. (1) The contemplation of the true emptiness: Purify the illusionary emotion to reveal the truth, and it is to contemplate the Dharma-kāya through Buddha Recitation. (2) The contemplation of non-obstruction between principle and phenomena: Merging the principle and phenomena to show the function, this is to contemplate Buddha's merit through Buddha Recitation. (3) The contemplation of total pervasion and accommodation: Concluding phenomena and phenomena, that is to contemplate Buddha's name through Buddha Recitation. According to Hua-yen sūtra commentary by Cheng-kuan, the four Dharma-realms contemplation corresponds to the Buddha Recitation. Keeping single-minded on Buddha Recitation without mixing anything else is to enter the phenomena Dharma realm contemplation. To extinguish the distinction between the mind and the Buddha and reveal only the One Real Dharma Realm is to enter the principle Dharma realm contemplation. The mind is the Buddha, every great function being shown up, which is to enter the non-obstruction between principle and phenomena Dharma realm contemplation. Neither the Buddha nor the mind, it is magical and subtle without prediction, which is to enter the non-obstruction between phenomena and phenomena Dharma realm contemplation. Therefore, we know that there is not any Dharma that cannot be included into the Buddha Recitation. The Hua-yen sūtra takes the“Varirocna”as the guidance and the“Ultimate Bliss”as the destination, following the Hua-yen sūtra to learn will see the Amitābha Buddha without leaving the padam-garbha-loka-dhātu.

There are so many special features of the Hua-yen practitioners. It may not be out of context to put forth the Practices and vows of Sāmantabhadra as a quintessential example for discussion.

Master Cheng-kuan said,“The chapter on Vows and practices of Sāmantabhadra is essential to the teaching of Hua-yen and the pivot to practice.”Vows and practices of Sāmantabhadra are a prerequisite for the Buddhists. The ten vows and practices are as follows: (1) Pay homage and respect to all the Buddhas. (2) Praise the Tathāgatas. (3) Pay abundant offerings to all Buddhas. (4) Repent the evil karma of our misdeed. (5) Admire and rejoice at the merits and virtues of others. (6) Request all Buddhas to keep turning Dharma-wheel. (7) Beseech all the Buddhas to remain in the world. (8) Under the guidance of Buddhas forever. (9) Always comply with all living beings. (10) Transfer all merits and virtues universally.

1. The First Great Vow: Pay Homage and Respect to all the Buddhas.

Bodhisattva Sāmantabhadra once instructed Sudhana,“Good man! Pay homage and respect to all the Buddhas of the Dharma-dhātu, void space, ten directions, the past, the present and the future of all Buddha-lands. In virtue of the power of Sāmantabhadra's vows, with my profound belief and understanding, I pay homage and respect to all Buddhas with the purified physical, verbal and mental karma as though they were appearing in front of me. In every abode accommodating the Buddhas, I present myself with the unutterable transformations of kāya, as numerous as incalculable dust-motes. Then, with each of my manifestation, I pay homage and respect to all Buddhas that are as numerous as incalculable dust-motes. Until the immense space reaches its boundary will my respect come to an end, since the space is boundless, so will my respect to all Buddhas never end. Until the spheres of all living beings come to its last limit and boundary, and the karma as well as the affliction of all living beings is ceased, will my homage and respect end. Since the sphere, the karma, and the affliction of all living beings will be endless, my homage and prayers to all Buddhas will be ceaseless. I'll keep paying my homage in every moment of thought without stop, and purifying my physical, verbal and mental karma without weariness.”

All of the Bodhisattvas have been through the practice of countless kaplās and accumulated infinite excellent merits. Buddhist disciples should follow the virtuous acts of Bodhisattvas, and vow to act like the sages with reverence to practice the holy Path widely. On the other hand, in terms of paying homage to all the Buddhas, we can become more tolerant and open-minded. Therefore, to treat all of the Dharma realm, all of the universe, as the object for us to pay homage will inspire our inner Buddhahood, and our respect can reach all the Buddhas in the Dharma realm.

If we can completely understand that our physical existence is based on the dependent arising and illusionary, we'll immediately grasp the meaning of emptiness, the lack of self-nature among all the conditional existence. Thus, we can humbly pay respect to all Buddhas without attachment to our physical existence and even forgetting our material existence. It is assumed that we can spiritually correspond with all Buddhas and feel inspired, we'll then enjoy the pleasant experience of Dharma by the reverence paid to all Buddhas. The sūtra says,“Each moment of our thinking is continuously going on without halt, and we should be standing guard over our physical, verbal and mental activities without feeling tired.”With this diligent attitude to pay respect to all Buddhas, it is a truly respectful manner.

2. The Secondary Vow: Praise the Tathāgatas.

Sāmantabhadra again instructed Sudhana,“Good man! To praise the Tathāgatas is to admire all the Buddhas in the Dharma-dhātu, void space, ten directions, the past, the present and the future of all Buddha-lands; all the Buddhas are as numerous as dust-motes. Even in every tiny dust-mote, there are numerous Buddhas as many as the dust-motes of the universe. And, in every abode accommodating Buddhas, there are the gatherings of Bodhisattvas around, incalculable in amount like the immense ocean.

With my profound understanding and insight to what I see on the spot, I praise the Tathāgatas with the (天女)devakanyā-like tongue, the eulogy like goddess' oration. Each time, my tongue will be emitting infinite sea like voice, and each voice giving all of the admiration, by which I praise the sea-like merits of the Tathāgatas to the future to come. Continuously, my eulogy to the Tathāgatas will be reaching every corner of Dharma realm, through out all over the universe.”

Tathāgata is one of the ten names of Buddha. All the Buddha in the past were riding on the Path of Suchness to attain the Enlightenment, like the Path that all the Buddhas have gone through, so is called Tathāgata. Due to the infinite merits that all Buddhas have accumulated, the attainment of Buddhahood will be made possible. As the sūtra says, the incessant thought of each moment as numerous as the dust-motes can be counted, the water in the ocean can be drained and drunk, the void space can be measured and the wind can be tied up. Nevertheless, it is impossible to list completely the Buddha's merits and virtue, which the sentient beings in general do not understand. First of all, we have to admire the infinite merits and virtue of the Tathāgata and let the sentient beings have the understanding of it. Further, to inspire the sentient beings to follow the merits and virtue of the Tathāgata and have the great insight as the Tathāgata. Then, it is made possible to the expanding of Dharma. On the other hand, we can chant the ten names of the Buddha or chant Namo ten directions Tathāgata. When we chant the Tathāgata's name, we plant the good cause verbally and shall create good karma verbally. By chanting the Tathāgata's name, we can benefit the sentient beings and free from the circle of birth and death.

3. The Third Vow: Pay Abundant Offerings to all the Buddhas.

Bodhisattva Sāmantabhadra once instructed Sudhana,“In terms of the power of the Sāmantabhadra's Vows, I have the profound belief and understanding to what I see on the spot. I pay abundant offerings to all Buddhas in the Dharma-dhātu, void space, ten directions, the past, the present and the future of all Buddha-lands. In every abode accommodating Buddhas, there are ocean-like immense assemblies of Bodhisattvas around. As numerous as the dust-motes in the universe are the incalculable Buddhas, to whom I pay abundant offerings with the items as follows.

The Offerings include the clouds of flower-like, head dresses like, celestial music, celestial tapestries, celestial garments, all kinds of heavenly incense, creamy oil incense, burning incense, powder incense, the quantity of each kind of incense is as huge as the Mt. Sumeru. So are all kinds of candles and oil lamps with fragrance and perfume, and each candle pillar is as huge as the Mt. Sumeru; each kind of lamp oil is as much as the immense ocean. With those items, I always keep paying abundant offerings to all the Buddhas. Nevertheless, Good man! Among all of those offerings, the offering of Dharma is the best. It means that to pay offering to Buddhas by being self-improved, benefiting all sentient beings, cultivating all sentient beings, being suffered for the all sentient beings, fostering our nature of good root diligently, never giving up the Bodhisattvas's practice, and never going astray from the kindness of bodhi heart.”

There are ten ways to pay offering to the Buddhas: to show respect with Incense, flower, lamp, fragrant cream, fruit, tea, food, ornament jewel, pearl, and clothing. To set our heart on paying offering is to seek for the blessing. The objects for us to pay offerings are not limited to Bodhisattvas and Buddhas; further, we can pay offerings to three precious ones, parents, teachers, and all sentient beings. According to Sāmantabhadra Bodhisattva, the blessed-fields we are supposed to foster include the blessed-field of respect, mercy and kindness. With the offering of material fortune, Dharma and abhaya-dāna (無畏佈施) (the path of fearlessness), we can make the sentient beings to turn from the evil to the good, to turn from the suffering to the happiness.

4. The Fourth Vow: Repent the Evil Karma of Misdeed.

Bodhisattva Sāmantabhadra once instructed Sudhana,“A Bodhisattva has been reflecting on what he did the countless evil physical, verbal and mental karma in the past eons due to the greed, hatred, and ignorance. If such evil karma has the physical existence, it could not be bearable throughout all the void space of the universe. Now, I am purifying myself physically, verbally and mentally I repent the evil karma of my misdeed to all Buddhas throughout all Dharma-dhātu and tiny dust-motes. I repent with sincerity. I'll never generate any evil karma, and keep up with the pure precept to accomplish all the merits and virtues.”

Repentance is one of the important methods for the Buddhist practice. Repentance can help the Buddhist practitioner remove the hindrance. The hindrance means the difficulty that a Buddhist practitioner has encountered in the course of practice, and the hindrance will block the good Dharma of the human, deva and the transcendental path of the sages. The hindrance can be viewed from three kinds: the affliction karma, the evil deed karma, and the resultant karma. The affliction karma comes from the confusing emotion due to the greed, hatred and ignorance. The evil deed karma comes from the misconduct, such as ten kinds of misdeed: killing, stealing, adultery, cheating, double-tongue, coarse language, filthy language, covetousness, anger, perverted views. The resultant karma is the result from the evil karma, such as staying in the hell, or becoming the hungry ghost, and the animal. As to those three kinds of hindrance, the confusion and lack of wisdom is the cause, and the suffering is the effect, both of which determine the karma to come.

There are three kinds of repentance: (1) repentance by Dharma ritual (2) repentance by meditation (3) repentance of non-arising. First of all, as to the repentance by bowing and chanting sūtra, a sinner has to confess his wrongdoing in front of the image or statue of the Buddha, as if the Buddhad were there, and to ask forgiveness with the sincerity. The sinner has to place his knees, elbows and the head on the ground to show the ultimate respect; further, he has to keep chanting the sūtra, and thinking of the positive meaning of the sūtra. Therefore, the physical, verbal and mental wrongdoing can be purified by the repentance of Dharma ritual. For example, the Lotus sūtra(法華經) and Maha karuna dharani Dharma ritual(大悲懺儀) repentance are the most popular ones. Secondly, as to the repentance by meditation, in order to eliminate the sin of the affliction, to repent in the meditation is a must. To purify the mind with the calmness and make a determination to improve oneself without committing the same mistake as before, the meditation will make the repentance possible. Thirdly, as to the repentance of non-arising, it means to think that the sin itself has the nature of non-arising. As the sūtra shows, the sin comes from the mind, if the mental activity is ceased, the sin will disappear by the way. From the inner deep heart to repent, it is the rational repentance. This kind of repentance is the best among all the repentance. That is why Bodhisattva Sāmantabhadra always keep repenting and eliminating the negative physical, verbal and mental karma, then this is the incessant repentance from every single moment to the next without stop.

5. The Fifth Vow: Admire and Rejoice at the Merits and Virtues of Others.

Bodhisattva Sāmantabhadra once instructed Sudhana,“All of the Buddhas in the Dharma-dhātu, void space, ten direction, the past, the present and the future, are incalculable as numerous as the dust-motes. All of the Buddhas in the very early beginning set their mind onto the omniscience, self-cultivating diligently to accumulate the blessing and virtue even in the sacrifice of their lives since the incalculable kaplās ago. In each kaplā, they give up and lost incalculable heads, eyes, hands and feet, as numerous as the dust-motes. All of the ascetic practice reached all kinds of pāramitā and realized the wisdom of Bodhisattva bhūmi (地), and attained the Enlightenment. In PariNirvā.na of all Buddhas, their śarīrās were distributed; I hereby admire and rejoice and all of the root of goodness. To all of the ten direction all the realms, the six ways of sentient existence, the four forms of birth, all various kinds of sentient beings, of whose merits and virtues, even a tiny dust-mote, I admire them all. To all the merits and virtues of śrāvakas, Pratyeka-Buddha, the learned one, the unlearned ones, I admire them all. To all the Bodhisattvas who have through the infinite practice by overcoming the infinite obstacles to attain the Enlightenment, I admire them all.”

The merits and virtues we are supposed to admire means to adorn all the goodness of Dharma. To the all goodness of Dharma in the ten Dharma realms: the path of four sages (the Buddha, Bodhisattva, śrāvakas, Pratyeka-Buddha), and six ways of sentient existence (the beings of the hell, hungry ghost, animal, asura, human and deva), we all rejoice. Not to commit any wrongdoing but to comply all goodness, if we admire the merits and virtues of others, we will eliminate our jealousy. We admire and appreciate other's achievement verbally and mentally, even give a hand substantially. To practice in such a method, the Dharma of fairness will arise in our mind, it means, we'll treat all of the existence in the ten Dharma realms equally.

6. The Sixth Vow: Request all the Buddhas to Keep Turning the Dharma-wheel.

Bodhisattva Sāmantabhadra once instructed Sudhana,“Good man! Request all Buddhas to keep turning the Dharma-wheel. All Buddhas are incalculable, as numerous as the dust-motes, in all of the Dharma-dhātu, void space, ten direction, the past, the present and the future, in the unspeakable Buddha-lands, there are incalculable Buddhas attain the Enlightenment in every moment of thought continuously; and the ocean-like gatherings of Bodhisattvas. With the convenience of my physical, verbal and mental karma, I sincerely request all the Buddhas to keep turning the Dharma-wheel until the boundary of the void space, all realms of the sentient beings reach the end, and all the affliction of the sentient beings is exhausted. I always request all the Buddhas to keep turning the Dharma-wheel to the infinite, continuously without stop and without feeling tired physically, verbally and mentally.”

To request all Buddhas to keep turning the Dharma-wheel means that we ask Buddhas to expound the profound Dharma to the sentient beings become enlightened without ignorance. Further, to the sentient beings arise the faith by understanding the Dharma and put into practice, to stay away from being an ordinary person and becoming a sage. The important duty to keep the Dharma in the world is to make it circulate and pass down to the generations to come. The Hua-yen sūtra says,[191]“The Dharma nobody can explain, only with the wisdom, it is still hard to understand.” Then, we can see how important it is for the Buddhas to expound the profound Dharma and keep turning the Dharma-wheel. That's why all of the great Dharma Masters in the past expounded the Dharma for the Buddhas and wrote lots of books to let the sentient beings understand the Dharma and set their hearts on practice in the real life. We have to pay respect and offerings to the great Dharma Masters with four necessities: clothing, food, medicine and place for stay. Eventually, this is one way of practice as to request all Buddhas to keep turning the Dharma-wheel. We should apply the convenience of the physical, verbal and mental activities to request the Buddhas to turn the Dharma-wheel. The Dharma-wheel of the world need someone to set in motion, then the Dharma can stay in the world forever. The Dharma has no high or low in its level, as long as the Dharma can cure the illness or say, solve the problem, then it is the good medicine. As long as we have the right insight, we can set the Dharma-wheel in motion even by ourselves. To request the Buddhas to keep turning the Dharma-wheel can remove our ignorance and arrogance, then, we can gain more wisdom. The continuation of the Buddha's wisdom and teaching depend on the efforts of the Sa^ngha and lay followers.

7. The Seventh Vow: Beseech all the Buddhas to Remain in the World.

Bodhisattva Sāmantabhadra once instructed Sudhana,“Good man! Beseech Buddhas to remain in the world. All Buddhas are in all of the Dharma-dhātu, void space, ten directions, the past, the present and the future, in all of the Buddha-lands, as incalculable as dust-motes. To all the Buddhas who are about to enter Nirvā.na, Bodhisattvas, srāvakas Pratyeka-Buddhas, the learned, the unlearned, and the beneficent friends, I beseech them not to enter Nirvā.na, throughout the dust-motes like countless kaplās in all Buddha-lands, to benefit all sentient beings. My request is endless until the void space; the spheres of all sentient beings, the karma of all sentient beings, and the affliction of all sentient beings come to an end. I keep this request in mind every moment and never feel tired in my physical, verbal and mental activities.”

This is to request the kindest Buddha not to enter Nirvā.na and always stay in the sahā world. The Lotus sūtra describes that the world was full of three evil gait (beings of the hell, hungry ghosts and animals) before the birth of Buddha. They could not get the guide to the brightness, or do not know that there is the brightness to lead them to the goodness. All the times, the three gates sank into the darkness and transmigrated between birth and death. As soon as the appearance of Buddha, who was like the bright lamp illuminating this world, guided the sentient beings to leave the bitter sea of birth and death and seek for the brightness. Certainly, it is very extraordinary. Therefore, all the Buddhist disciples are supposed to set his heart on requesting Buddha to stay, including all the Buddhas of ten directions, the past, the present, and the future in all the buddha-lands.

Furthermore, not only Buddhas but also srāvakas, Pratyeka-Buddhas and all spiritual benefactors should we request them not enter Nirvā.na. They are asked to stay in this world to benefit the sentient beings, or the sentient beings will lose their opportunities to cultivate the field of bliss. Only by beseeching all Buddhas to remain in the world, the right Dharma will not be perished.

8. The Eighth Vow: Under the Guidance of the Buddhas Forever.

Bodhisattva Sāmantabhadra once instructed Sudhana,“Good man, under the guidance of Buddhas forever is something like this. In the sahā world Vairocana Tathāgata, practiced diligently from the initial vow, with his unutterable numerous lives for donation and sacrifice. Vairocana Tathāgata peeled off his skin as the paper, with his bones as the pen and his blood as the ink, he then wrote numerous sūtras in a large amount like the Mt. Sumeru. For the sake of Dharma, he sacrificed his life; furthermore, he gave up his throne, dominions, palaces, gardens, and all of his belongings. He attained great Enlightenment under the bodhi tree, showing super magical power, a variety of transmutations, Buddha kāya, and preaching at various Dharma assemblies. Or he preached on the assemblies of great Bodhisattvas, the assemblies of srāvakas and Pratyeka-Buddhas, the assemblies of the Petty Kings and their retinues, the assemblies of Kshatriya (剎帝利), Brāhma.na (婆羅門) Elders, laymen, the assemblies of devas, nagas, eight groups, mankind, and subhuman. At all the assemblies, Vairocana Tathāgata preached in a full and round voice like the thunder to enlighten all the sentient beings by befitting their inclination, until he entered into Nirvā.na. I would like to learn all of what he did. The present World-honored One Vairocana, all the Tathāgatas in all of the Buddha-lands, all Dharma realms, void space, ten directions and the present, the past and the future, I would like to follow them to learn as well in every moment of thought.”

Following the guidance of Buddhas forever means not to violate the teaching of Buddha. We are supposed to follow what the Buddha taught, comply with his words in the practice and abide by the rules he set for us. Under the guidance of Buddhas is always a must for us to attain the fruition of Buddhahood. We should learn from the physical, verbal and mental three karmas of Buddha. We should learn the great compassion and sympathy of Buddha and the infinite merits of Buddha. We should learn all kinds of practice methods and the virtues of Buddha. We should follow what in the Tripi.taka and take the Tripi.taka as the standard to direct our physical, verbal and mental activities. We should focus on three studies: discipline, meditation and wisdom. We should cultivate ourselves step by step in the process of the belief, the understanding, and the practice to the realization.

9. The Ninth Vow: Always Comply with all Living Beings.

Bodhisattva Sāmantabhadra once instructed Sudhana,“Good man, Always comply with all living beings. There are many kinds of living beings in all Dharma realms, void space, the lands and oceans of ten directions. They may be born from the womb, from the egg, from the moisture or produced from transformation, or they live and rely on earth, water, fire, and air for their existence, or they are dwelling in space, dependent on plants and trees for their living. They are different in their species, races, forms, shapes, appearances, lifespan, families, names, natures, insights, inclinations, manners, clothing, and what they eat. They dwell in different abodes, in towns, villages, cites, and palaces. They may be the devas, nāgas, the eight groups, human beings, sub-human; they may be those of no feet, two feet, four feet, many feet; they may be those of form, no form, equipping with sense or without sense, or neither with nor without sense. All of those I should comply with as if I were paying respect and offerings to my parents, teachers, asuras, and Tathāgata equally. I should be the good doctor to the sick, the right path to the wanderer, the bright illumination in the darkness, and making the poor to find his own treasure. Bodhisattvas benefit all sentient beings fairly, and why so? If a Bodhisattva can comply with all sentient beings, a Bodhisattva can comply with all Buddhas. To respect and be dutiful to all sentient beings means to respect and be dutiful to all Buddhas as the same. To please all sentient beings means to please all Tathāgatas as well. All Buddhas Tathāgatas take the great compassion as the foundation. For the sake of all sentient beings, the great compassion arises. Due to the great compassion, the bodhi heart is generated, and the Enlightenment is resulted from the bodhi heart. For example, the biggest tree growing in the wild desert, if its roots were watered well, it would bloom up with flowers, green leaves and fruits. This is same to the wild desert of life and death. All the sentient beings are the roots of the tree; all Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are the flowers and fruits. With the water of great compassion to benefit the sentient beings, it will come out with great fruits of wisdom for Buddhas and Bodhisattvas. Why so? If the Bodhisattvas benefit the sentient beings with great compassion water, Bodhisattvas can attain the anuttara-samyak-sambodhi, then, the bodhi belongs to the sentient beings, without the sentient being, all Bodhisattvas can not attain the anuttara-samyak-sambodhi.”

To comply with the sentient beings can make them do something good instead of doing evil. Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are the enlightened ones, and all sentient beings are the Buddhas to come. Therefore, we should treat all sentient beings with reverence as if they were our parents, teachers and Buddhas. If the sentient beings get sick, we should be the good physicians to cure them with right medicine. If the sentient beings get lost, we should guide them to the right flat road. If the sentient beings stay in the darkness, we should widely install the illuminating equipment. If the sentient beings suffered from the poverty, we should try our best to solve their hardship. It is Bodhisattvas who benefit all sentient beings with such a mind-set of fairness.

The heart of great compassion is the substance of all Buddhas, and all Buddhas feel pity for the sentient beings deeply in their hearts. Because of the Buddha's compassion for the sentient beings and treating the sentient beings like their hearts, Buddhas could then open up their hearts with the great compassion to benefit all sentient beings. Without the sentient beings or without seeing any of their suffering, how could it be impossible to generate the bodhi heart? Without the sentient beings, where is the place for practicing six pāramitā? Without the initiation of the bodhi heart, without the Bodhisattva's practice, there will be no causes for attaining the Buddhahood, then how is it possible to generate the fruition of Buddhahood? Therefore, we should benefit the sentient beings with peace and happiness. We should take this wish as our vow and determination, then this is great bodhi heart.

As to the matter of cultivating the sentient beings, we should understand that we cultivating the sentient beings in our mind and eyes, and to become the Buddhas is to become the Buddhas in the mind and eyes of all the sentient beings. Therefore, bodhi belongs to all sentient beings, with whom we are supposed to comply.

10. The Tenth Vow: Transfer all Merits and Virtues Universally.

Bodhisattva Sāmantabhadra once instructed Sudhana,“Good man, transfer all merits and virtues universally to all the sentient beings throughout the Dharma realms and void space since the first prayer and all of the rest. It is in this hope that all sentient beings enjoy peace and happiness without the suffering and sickness, accomplishing all good karma instead of evil wrongdoing, closing all the entrance to the evil and unfolding the right path to Nirvā.na for human and devas. Again, when a person encounters his last moment, on the verge of death, all of his sense-organs will be broken down. He then is supposed to leave all of his family members and relatives, losing all of his power, his minister and officials, his palace and cities, elephants, horses, carts and treasuries, nothing of which will accompany him any longer. All the times, only the great vows will go with him and guide him, in a single instant, he will be reborn in the Land of Ultimate Bliss.”

Transfer all merits and virtues universally is to transfer the merits and virtues of the nine practices and vows that we mentioned previously to every sentient being widely without keeping to oneself. If the Bodhisattva has any thought of self-interest, the Bodhisattva is no longer the Bodhisattva. We transfer our merits and virtues of our cultivation, we have nothing to lose, and for the sentient beings, such transference will increase their goodness and mercy. The universal transference of merits and virtues in Hua-yen sūtra includes three kinds: as follows.

(1) The transference of Bodhi

It is to transfer all the cultivated merits and virtues toward the fruition of Buddhahood, the bodhi. To make the prajñā corresponds to the bodhi; the wonderful Enlightenment will be reached. To plant the good cause will produce the good result, it again is called transferring the merit of cause to the result.

(2) The transference from oneself to others

It is to transfer all the cultivated merits and virtues by oneself to other sentient beings equally, in other words, transferring the fruition of Buddhahood to all the sentient beings.

(3) The transference of the truth of equality

The truth of equality is referred to the equality of all Dharmas. The Mahāyāna Buddhism holds that all the sentient beings have the ideal of the equality of all Dharmas. Bodhisattvas have to apply the wisdom to make their deeds keep in accord with truth, and finally to lead the masses to the state of non-obstruction. Therefore, all the merits and virtues should be transferred to the essence of truth of the bhūtatathatā (一真) Dharma realm.

The three kinds of transference should be completed to accomplish the Dharmas of goodness and to complete the practices and vows of Sāmantabhadra.

As to the ten practices and vows of Sāmantabhadra we have been discussed, the first to the fourth vows focus on the personal cultivation. The fifth to the eighth is to expand the personal cultivation to the benefiting of others. The ninth and the tenth focus on benefiting others. Those ten King Vows are the conclusion of the Bodhisattva's deeds, and the final ultimate end of the Bodhisattva's deeds.

The practices and vows of Sāmantabhadra in the Hua-yen sūtra record three essentials of Caryā:

(1) The objects should be immeasurable:

It means not to limit the objects, then, the cultivated merits and virtues will be enlarged to the immeasurable.

(2) The realm should be infinite:

The realm means things, scopes, surroundings, and the infinite means no boundary. Expanding the mind of oneself to One Real Dharma Realm means“The realm should be infinite”. Whatever we do we have to remind ourselves, as long as the realm is infinite; the free and self-content mind-set is the ultimate of the Dharma.

(3) The time should be endless:

In the sūtra, there are words like“one thought after one thought continuously, without stop, the physical, verbal and mental karma without weariness”. One thought after one thought means every shortest moment. When we are learning Dharma, we should not stop in any moment and always be concentrated on each practice and vow. It is so called“The time should be endless”.

If we merge the ten vows and practices into three essentials of Caryā, and understand them completely, then, on the trip of our studying and practicing Dharma, we will make a fast progress. It is worthy to mention that the Practices and vows of Sāmantabhadra[192] is the conclusion of the Hua-yen sūtra, again, which expand the method of Pure Land, only keeping such King Vows in mind, it is possible to go to the land of the Ultimate Bliss. As the sūtra says,“In one moment, a person is reborn in the land of the Ultimate Bliss where he can see immediately Amitābha Buddha, Mañjuśrī, Avalokiteśvara and Maitreya all Bodhisattvas…. This person can see himself reborn in the lotus flowers and have the prophecy from the Buddha.”From this text, we can see the excellence of the practices and vows of Sāmantabhadra and pure land methods. Because of the strong determination of the Amitābha, who would like to guide the sentient beings of the sahā world, as long as the time is ready, Amitābha Buddha will guide and accept them. Whoever wants to be reborn in the Pure Land should follow the encouragement of Sāmantabhadra, keeping the King vows throughout life long time, and practice diligently to benefit all sentient beings. In the method of Pure Land, the practice is done in the level of causal stage; the practitioner set forty-eight vows to cultivate the sentient beings and being reborn in the pure land. Whoever wants to practice the method of Pure Land and be reborn in the world of Ultimate Bliss should set his heart on the ten vows of Sāmantabhadra, and make the ten vows as a conclusive vow, then the practitioner can be reborn in the pure land. It is like what the sūtra says,“On the verge of the death… Only the King Vows will accompany with the practitioner and guide the practitioner ahead, in one moment, the practitioner will soon be reborn in the world of the Ultimate Bliss.”

CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSIONS

Regarding the origins and foundation of the Hua-yen School, it may be said that credit should largely go to Tu-shun for preparing the background, but Chih-yen was certainly a pivotal figure. Before Chih-yen there was no such thing as a clearly distinguishable Hua-yen Buddhism.[193] Further, immediately after Chih-yen, and especially in the writings of his pupil Fa-tsang, Hua-yen quickly came to be recognized as a system of thought and practice with its own identity, which may be called distinctive. Moreover, most of the major themes of the Hua-yen philosophy (themes vaguely anticipated or openly proclaimed by earlier thinkers, and themes later designed into grand artifices of doctrinal system of Fa-tsang) are discernible in the actual process of their formation and early growth precisely in the writings of Chih-yen. Thus, it is to Chih-yen that one must look most attentively in any effort to see the Hua-yen doctrine in its germinative phase." The most important factor on the basis of which Chih-yen may be treated as the force behind the formation of the Hua-yen Buddhism, were his two doctrinal innovations. These were his construction of the five-part Hua-yen pa'n-chaio scheme and his development of the related notions of‘dharma-element dependent origination’ and‘nature origination.’There are also convincing reasons to argue that Fa-tsang was not the‘first systematizer’of Hua-yen, though he was a comprehensive and masterly thinker.

The activities that emerged in the shape of the Hua-yen as a result of the intellectual activities of“New Buddhism”in the sixth and early seventh centuries, Chih-yen was able to mould them suitably. But an indelible influence of his saintly Master Tu-shun cannot be denied in these activities of Chih-yen. Through Tu-shun and most likely through others as well (because Tu-shun was not an anachronism) Chih-yen was exposed to concepts and patterns of practice which grew responsibly from the complex Chinese experience of Buddhism and which were not simply drawn from the normative traditions of Indian Buddhism. Tu-shun was also sufficiently representative of the“new Buddhism”and as a result it seems only logical that his devoted disciple Chih-yen was influenced too. The new religious creativity which took numerous forms was sought to be channelized by scholars such as Chih-yen for the purposes of establishing and enhancing the religious value of life in the midst of the phenomena and affairs of this world. To a great extent these things were realized and thus at least to some extent Buddhism was made relevant to the humane and immanentist temperament of religious culture of China. As Tu-shun and Chih-yen's own innovations reflect an appreciation of these phenomena, they are a glaring proof of the fact that early Hua-yen Buddhism owed much to both‘New Buddhist Ideas’as well as to the first two patriarchs of Buddhism, i.e., Tu-shun and Chih-yen.

In the origin and development of the Hua-yen Buddhism this characteristic also is quite visible that the first five patriarchs were not only men of their religious times and places but they were also intellectuals of abstruse Buddhist thought. The concepts of (Tathāgatagarbha 如來藏) and Yogacara which are the essential elements of the foundations of Hua-yen and also have a special place in the Mahāyāna thought were given a unique interpretation by Chih-yen. It was Chih-yen's special genius through which he was able to exploit the natural affinities between the cardinal ideas of these learned traditions and the dominant motifs of‘New Buddhism’.

Another important issue that comes to the fore in the history of the origin and development of Hua-yen School of Buddhism is the fact that adversity played a pivotal role. Early Hua-yen was, in good part, a product of a Chinese reaction against a relatively late (mid-seventh century) importation of a fully-wrought and self-contained Indian system of Mahāyāna thought, namely, the Yogacara system of Dharmapala/Xuanzang.[194] Scholars such a Gimello rightly consider Hua-yen not only as a particularly sinitic form of Indian Buddhism but also as an exemplary instance of the sinification of Buddhism. A quintessential example of this can particularly be seen in the fact that Chih-yen was able to respond in a masterly manner to this challenge and refuted Dharmapala's Yogacara with its agotraka and related doctrines. The doctrinal hallmark of the Chinese transformation of Buddhism was the turning of Buddhism towards‘this’world of sentient beings away from the almost impossible goal of Nirvā.na leading to the‘other’world. The new transformation in the case of doctrines such as the doctrine of nomenal interfusion, that of Dharma-element dependent origination, and that of nature origination, transformed Buddhism in a manner that the perfect aspect of things came to be synonymous with Śūnyata. Thus, it may not be wrong to assert that the vision of the Hua-yen Buddhism is the consequence of the submission of Buddhist concepts to a critical examination of Chinese indigenous value system. The most beautiful part of this exercise was that all this was done without the breach of any of the basic Buddhist premises. As a matter of fact, it is not really possible to find anything in the thinking of the first five patriarchs of Hua-yen Buddhism that in any way comes in conflict with the basic tenets of Indian Mahāyāna. However, as the same time, it would be wrong to presume that the salient doctrines of Hua-yen School of Buddhism such as sunyata, cittamatrata, and citta-prakrti-visuddhi are old wines in new bottles. There are clearly significant differences of intention between the two, the most important difference being the response to Chinese spiritual needs which provided a distinctive Chinese flavor of the whole interpretation. Amongst the Mahāyāna sūtras, there are many excellent sūtras full of the salient features of literature, drama and metaphor, for example, Śrīmālā-si^mha-nāda sūtra (勝鬘經), Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa (維摩經), Lotus sūtra, Hua-yen sūtra. Among these sūtras, the Hua-yen sūtra has the most magnificent in structure as well as most profound in meaning. The Hua-yen sūtra elucidates the truth of Enlightenment from within that Buddha Śākyamuni attained after his long-term meditation and cultivation. We always cannot control over our emotion and mood, let alone the literary understanding of a great practitioner. Only with the true wisdom, a person can become a Hua-yen practitioner and completely grasp the truth from the Hua-yen sūtra that Śākyamuni Buddha establishes“the teaching of perfecting personality”, in which Śākyamuni Buddha expresses the major implication of the Buddhism in terms of his basic belief from the understanding of the universe, the respect and transcendence of the life through the long kalpās thinking and inquiry. When Śākyamuni Buddha got enlightened in the Magadha Enlightenment site, he said without a second thought, “What a wonder! What a wonder! All sentient beings, grass, trees and lands, are not endowed without the features of Tathāgata's virtue and wisdom.”Śākyamuni Buddha reveals to us what the Hua-yen sūtra tries to tell us that human beings, all other creatures, natural things, nothing is not the unfolding of the Buddha Nature in this world. This truth is not limited by the space and time, and it goes beyond all verbal and literary description.

Śākyamuni Buddha expounds the Hua-yen sūtra with sambhoga-kāya (圓滿報身) in the Ocean seal Samādhi, at that time, the audiences including Bodhisattvas, deities, all come to listen to the sermon from Śākyamuni Buddha. The perceptual and thinking abilities of our human beings are limited to the six sense-organs, so it is hard for us to understand the cosmological as well as the Bodhisattva realm that has been described in the Hua-yen sūtra. Most of the people judge the existence of Buddha and Bodhisattvas by the eyewitness, and they even doubt the position of the Hua-yen sūtra in the Mahāyāna Buddhism. Here we cannot help admire all of the Hua-yen Dharma Masters, who translated the Hua-yen sūtra from Sanskrit into Chinese, made commentaries for the Hua-yen sūtra and expanded the teaching of Hua-yen all over China. Especially, in the prosperous time of Tang dynasty, the Hua-yen School lasted for about two hundred years and stood ahead of eight Chinese Buddhist Schools due to the favorable background of a unified nation, strong royal patronage with a good economic condition and the mature formation of religious concept.

In the chapter three, I have mentioned the process of how Hua-yen School was developed from the Hua-yen sūtra. After the translation of Hua-yen sūtra, the Hua-yen scholar Sa^ngha had various applications of its content, which was either applied to the religious ritual, the method of contemplation and meditation, the comparison with other sūtras to inquiry the truth of sūtras, or the justification of the religious belief. The Hua-yen studies thereby established its firm foundation in the Chinese intellectual history. The Hua-yen Masters kept inventive and creative in unfolding the meaning of the Hua-yen sūtra and the interpretation of the Hua-yen doctrine. Especially, from the visual descriptions and metaphors in the narrative of Hua-yen sūtra, the religious as well as the philosophical concept were well elucidated. Through the process of continuous lectures, the Hua-yen thought was developed towards the conceptual analysis as a religious philosophy, which set up a direction for the dissemination of the Hua-yen doctrine.

The Hua-yen doctrine is centered on the“interdependent origination of Dharma-dhātu”, from which the theory of four Dharma realms, ten mysterious gates and six characteristics are developed. The non-obstruction between phenomenon and phenomenon of the profound Hua-yen philosophy is thereby manifested. Interdependent origination, or say dependent arising, is the basic tenor of the Buddhism, which means that the existence of everything in the universe is dependent on the various causes, conditions and elements. Śākyamuni Buddha realized the truth of interdependent origination when he attained the Enlightenment. During the time of Śākyamuni Buddha, there existed a variety of heresy that claimed the entity of self, Brahmā, and the entity of Dharma, which were disproved by Śākyamuni Buddha with the dependent arising truth of his Enlightenment from within. The truth of depending arising is fundamental to the Hīnayāna and Mahāyāna Buddhism. The Hīnayāna Buddhism emphasizes that the Karma (業感) is the main factor activating in the depending arising existence. The Mahāyāna Buddhism centering on the Prajñā and three treatises (Madhyamakāvatāra 中論), (Catuhśataka 百論), (Dvadaśamukha śāstra 十二門論) explains the depending arising existence from the aspect of Emptiness. The (Yogacāra-Vijñānavāda 瑜伽唯識) School claims that all phenomena of the existence take the ālayavijñāna (賴耶) as the ultimate base. The (La^nkāvatāra sūtra 楞伽經) and (Viśe.sacintabrahma-pa.rīprccha 思益) relate the dependent arising existence to the (Tathāgatagarbha 如來藏). By contrast, the Hua-yen School puts forth the theory of interdependent origination of Dharma realms. The so-called Dharma realm (Dharma-dhātu) is referred to all Dharmas, including material (色) Dharma, mental (心) Dharma, mentally irrelative (不相應) Dharma, inactive (無為) Dharma and etc. In brief, the Dharma realm also covers the Dharmas that have form and appearance, the Dharmas without form and appearance, sentient beings, non-sentient beings, the undefiled or the defiled mental state, birth and death, Nirvā.na, and etc. All of those Dharmas have not self-nature, coming into the existence by the causes and conditions, transforming and perishing. As far as the Hua-yen School is concerned, the interdependent origination of Dharma realm is based on the Tathāgatagarbha and tathatā; all Dharmas are the manifestation of Tathāgatagarbha based on tathatā. The appearance of Dharma and the foundation of Dharma are interactive and interrelated to each other to form a great interdependent origination.

The Hua-yen School of Tang period succeeded previous Hua-yen studies and created a systematic Hua-yen doctrine. Taking the ingredients of Chinese culture, the Hua-yen studies reached the highest peak ever before. The first Hua-yen Patriarch Tu-shun authored the writings known as Dharma Realm Contemplation and Five fold Teachings in Śamatha and Vipaśyanā, of which the major thought was inherited by Chih-yen, the second Hua-yen Patriarch. Tu-shun was viewed as the Hua-yen practitioner, and Chih-yen enriched the content of Hua-yen teaching further. Chih-yen lectured the Hua-yen sūtra under the patronage of Emperor Kau-tsung (高宗). Chih-yen wrote the Hua-yen sūtra Commentary Sou-hsuan-chi, which is the directory and guidance for the later followers to study the Hua-yen sūtra. Chih-yen authored two other writings: Hua-yen-kou-mu-chang and Hua-yen fifty questions and answers to inquiry the deep meaning of the Hua-yen sūtra. Chih-yen passed down the Hua-yen teaching and clarify the confusion. The Hua-yen School was well developed by the third Hua-yen Patriarch Fa-tsang under the support of Queen Wu. Five more temples were built under the name of Hua-yen. Instead of being the royal privilege, the Hua-yen sūtra was introduced to the masses and became very popular. Fa-tsang authored the writing Hua-yen-wu-chiao-chang, in which Fa-tsang elucidated his doctrinal division of five teachings, and classified the Hua-yen sūtra as the one vehicle complete teaching. Fa-tsang made a conclusion on the issue of doctrinal division. Fa-tsang also authored Tan-hsuan-chi that is the best-written commentaries for the sixty-volumes Hua-yen sūtra. The fourth Hua-yen Patriarch Cheng-kuan was born twenty-six years later after the Nirvā.na of Fa-tsang. Cheng-kuan was very well learned. Originally Cheng-kuan did not belong to the group of Hua-yen School. In Mt. Wu-tai Cheng-kuan wrote down the Hua-yen sūtra commentary and sub-commentary to continue the great teaching of Hua-yen tradition. Cheng-kuan tried to criticize the heresy of Hui-yuan, who was the disciple of Fa-tsang, but Hui-yuan's interpretation of Hua-yen School and thought violated Fa-tsang's Hua-yen doctrine. Hui-yuan attempted to change Fa-tsang's system of doctrinal classification. Hui-yuan set up four teachings instead of five teachings and excluded out the sudden teaching. Cheng-kuan tried to restore the system of Hua-yen doctrine that was originally established by Fa-tsang. From Cheng-kuan's Hua-yen sūtra commentary and sub-commentary, we can see his efforts. Cheng-kuan lectured Hua-yen sūtra more than fifty times, and he was the teacher of seven Tang Emperors with the tremendously great honor awarded to him. The fifth Hua-yen Patriarch was well versed in Hua-yen doctrine and Ch'an Buddhism. Tsung-mi was famous by unifying Hua-yen teaching and Ch'an practice. In order to solve the disputes inside Buddhism itself, and the conflict among the Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism, Tsung-mi wrote Yuan-jen-lun (Inquiry into Humanity), in which he created his doctrinal division system with five categories and clarified the position of Buddhism by taking a firm stand for it. Unfortunately, Tsung-mi passed away in the first year of Hui-chang (C.841 A.D.) Empeor Wu-tzung trusted the Taoist priests who spoke slander against Buddhism, and launched a fatal attack on Buddhism. The Buddhism in China was nearly destroyed and Hua-yen School soon walked into the history after the catastrophe of Wu-tzung's persecution on Buddhism.

The transformation of Buddhism in China and its decline in the end are related to the dissemination of the doctrine, the attitude of the political reign and the knowledge of the religious leader. Besides, another important factor is whether the successors of the Buddhist schools have the determination and the sense of mission to continue the Buddhist schools. As to this point, we should have our own introspection of it.

The teaching of the Hua-yen School and the Hua-yen sūtra is not simply the knowledge, theory or an article written on the paper. From the initial determination of attaining the Buddhahood to its completion, the process should go through fifty-two ranks to fulfill the Sāmantabhadra's practice and ten pāramitā; the fifty-two ranks include the ten beliefs, ten abodes, ten practices, ten dedications, ten stages, equal Enlightenment, and wonderful Enlightenment, none of which can be omitted. To practice what one preaches, one has to practice each stage diligently. With the great wisdom of Mañjuśrī to conduct the myriad practice of Sāmantabhadra, a practitioner is supposed not to stay away from birth and death, not to enter into Nirvā.na, not to forsake all the sentient beings. Namely, a practitioner should not pursue personal enjoyment, but vow to help all the sentient beings free from the sufferings. Such a mind-set is qualified as what a Hua-yen Bodhisattva should put into action.

At the person level, the author herself examined her consicence while writing this thesis as to whether she herself is qualified to be a Hua-yen practitioner and scholar. She feels that in the long run, after crossing three asankhya (阿僧祇) in the time-length, without the good mentors and learned friends for assistance, once the human life is lost, it is impossible to have redemption and salvation. Here, it may not be out of context, to quote from the Hua-yen Vow:

“To hold this sūtra with hands, look at this sūtra with eyes, and chant this sūtra with mouth, I come to understand the great cause existing in the past. Whatever I see and whatever I hear, all the time, I rejoice and set my heart on bodhi, and finally perfect the sarva jñāna… I sincerely hope that all Buddhist disciples in every cycle of life, everywhere, always have this sūtra to read in the eyes, to hear in the ears, to chant in the mouths, to write with the hands and to understand this sūtra in the mind. I sincerely hope that all Buddhist disciples in every cycle of life, everywhere, always keep close to all the sages of the padma-garbha-loka-dhātu (the Vairocana pure land) and helped by the sages of the padma-garbha-loka-dhātu. This is what the sūtra says: vowing that the truth should be manifested, vowing to act as the Sudhana, as the Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva, as the Maitreya Bodhisattva, as the Sāmantabhadra Bodhisattva, as the Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva and as the Vairocana Buddha. So as to intone the sūtra of beneficence, I am making a vow of beneficence for all beings in the three realms as the Kāmadhātu, Rūpadhātu and Arūppadhātu. I would like to eliminate the immeasurable sins since the uncountable beginning in all of the Dharma realm and void realm. I would like to solve the karma of misconduct since the uncountable beginning in all of the Dharma realm and void realm. I would like to accumulate the infinite bliss and wisdom since the uncountable beginning in all of the Dharma realm and void realm, touring around the solemn sea of padma-garbha loka-dhātu and entering the Vairocana bodhima.n.dala.”

In order to complete the all-pervasive movement of Bodhisattva and to witness the truth of Dharma realm, a great mind of bodhi has to be taken to research the truth, cultivating the religious sentiment of beneficences, compassions, delights and alms. Further, it is required to find the root of the sufferings for all sentient beings, to inspire the Buddha-Nature from the humanity, to achieve an unvarnished truth and to accommodate various distinctions in the secular world where a perfect realm of Dharma may be fulfilled onto the realistic life.

Should the philosophy and wisdom of the Hua-yen be not the highest guidance to practice the religion, a practitioner will not be able to gain an insight into the sins and pains of the human world, nor engage actively in the arduous work for salvation. Since the real life is full of difficulties, only dependent on the wisdom and the great compassion as a bridge between Nirvā.na and secular affairs, the Bodhisattva deed can be actually performed for the beneficences of the sentient beings to accumulate the sources for attaining Bodhi.

Under the contemplation of“One Real Dharma Realm”, we understand that the Dharma of Buddha does not leave the earthly world. As long as everyone practices the Dharma in person, everyone can attain the Enlightenment. Either the evil karma in this earthly world, or the merits and wisdom of all Buddhas in the past, the present and the future, all can be encompassed in the non-obstructive realm of“One Real Dharma Realm”. There is nothing that cannot be perfected; either the sentient beings or the artificial objects are embraced by interfusion of harmony. Under the contemplation of “One Real Dharma Realm”, the humanity will be freed from the avarice, hatred and ignorance; there will exist no barrier among the time, space, human, affairs and things. We can thereby open up our mind to transcend the transmigration of long kalpās and to seek the bliss of all sentient beings as if we were pursuing our own interest and fulfilling our own duties. This is the great kindness for no condition, the great compassion of the Dharma realm as its essence. This is the realm wherein there is no difference among the mind, the Buddha and the sentient beings, the perfection of non-obstruction between phenomenon and phenomenon, and the ultimate ideal for the Hua-yen practitioners.

NOTE

[1] See Philip Yampolsky, The Platform sutra of the sixth Patriarch, New York: Columbia University Press, 1967: 4. This holds true for both Hua-yen and Chan. The term tsung for instance, was first applied to Hua-yen, by Cheng-kuan (738-839) in his Hua-yen-ching-sui-shu-yn-i-ch'ao, T1736: 36.292c8, and in his Hua-yen-ching-shu, T1735: 35.529b6. This also appears to confirm the fact. That the fully sinified traditions of later times recognized their origins in Buddhism of the time of Sui and early Tang dynasties.

[2] Quoted in Carsun Chang, The Development of Neo-Confucian Thouht, II, New York: Bookman, 1962: 241.

[3] Quoted in Wm. DeBerry (ed), Self and Society in Ming Thought, New York: Columbia University Press, 1970: 1.

[4] Here we have paraphrased what Stephan Toulmin has said. Stephen Toulmin, Human Understanding, I, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972: 98-99. The meaning of the term concept and conceptual, as we shall be using them in our thesis, shall be clarified as we proceed. However, it may be pointed out that the terms themselves are exceedingly vague and have been used in a variety of ways, but one may agree with Toulmin that they may be precisely defined only“by bringing our philosophical analysis of concepts back into relation with historical discoveries about men's conceptual evolution and development.”Stephen Toulmin, Human Understanding, I, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972: 10.

[5] Details shall be furnished in the relevant chapter.

[6] R.M. Gimello, Chih-yeh and the Foundations of Hua-yen Buddhism, A PhD dissertation submitted to Columbia University, 1976: 5.

[7] Taisho Tripi.taka vol.26, No.1522 p.0123b Daśabhūmika Śāstra (十地經論), written by Vasubandhu (天親菩薩), translated into Chinese by Indian monk Bodhiruci (菩提流支) after C.508 A.D. in China, Northern Wei dynasty.

[8] Taisho Tripi.taka T45, No.1882 p.0123b San-seng-yuan-zung-kuan, written by Cheng-kuan.

[9] Taisho Tripi.taka No.279 Hua-yen-ching, Ju-fa-chieh-pien(入法界品) Entering into Dharma-dhātu, ch. 60 T10, p0323a.

[10] Taisho Tripi.taka No.279 Hua-yen-ching, Hua-tsang-shih-chieh-pien(華藏世界品) World of lotus treasury vol.8 T10, p0039a.

[11] Taisho Tripi.taka No.664 Chin-kuang-ming-ching(金光明經), chapter of the distinction of three kāya(三身分別品) vol.1 translated by Indian Monk Paramartha (三藏真諦) (C.499-569 A.D.) into Chinese, T16, p0362c.

[12] Taisho Tripi.taka No.278 Hua-yen-ching chapter of Rocana Buddha(盧舍那佛品), vol.2 T09, p0405b, translated by Indian monk Buddhabhadra (佛馱跋陀羅)(C.358-429 A.D.) to Chineses in East Jin dynasty.

[13] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2073 Hua-yen-ching-chuan-chi(華嚴經傳記) vol.1 T51, p0153b.

[14] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1733, Hua-yen-ching-tan-hsuan-chi(探玄記) vol.1 T35, p0121a.

[15] Taisho Tripi.taka No.50, The Biography of Nāgārjuna One complete volume, translated by Kumārajīva.

[16] Taisho Tripi.taka No.598, Sagaranaga-raja-pariprccha, the chapter of Inviting Buddha the tenth section vol.3 T15, p0144b.

[17] Taisho Tripi.taka No.01, Dīrghagāma vol.19 T01, p0127b.

[18] Taisho Tripi.taka No.397, Mahāsannipāta sūtra vol.43 T13, p0282c.

[19] Taisho Tripi.taka No.721, Saddharma-smrty-upasthana sūtra vol.18 T17, p0105c.

[20] Taisho Tripi.taka No.463, Mahāprajñāpāramitā Śāstra vol.1 T14, p0480c.

[21] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2073, Hua-yen-ching-chuan-chi, vol.1 T51, p0153b.

[22] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1521, T26, Daśabhūmika-vibhasa-śāstra, written by Nāgārjuna, translated by Kumārajīva into Chinese.

[23] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2092, Loyang-chei-lan-chi, vol.5 T51, p1019a.

[24] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2087, Da-Tang-si-yu-ki, vol.12 T51, p0942c.

[25] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2087, Da-Tang-si-yu-ki vol.12 T51, p0943a.

[26] Hua-yen forty volmes. Translated by Indian monk Prajñā into Chinese in C.796 A.D., also known as Jeng-yuan-ching for it was translated in the years of Jeng Yuan, now collected in Taisho Tripi.taka vol.10, and it is the single edition of Entering into Dharma-dhātu of Hua-yen sixty and Hua-yen eighty.

[27] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2087, Da-Tang-si-yu-ki vol.10 T51, p0928b.

[28] R.M. Gimello, Chih-yen and the Foundations of Hua-yen Buddhism, unpublished Ph.D Thesis submitted to Columbia University, 1976: 96.

[29] Ta-ch'eng-ch'i-hsin lun, T1666:32. 575c8-9.

[30] T1820: 40.835b13-15. The five corruptions (panca-kasaya) are: the corruption of aeon (kalpa), of view (drsti), of sentient beings (sattva), and of life-span (ayuh).

[31] R.M. Gimello, Op.Cit: 97.

[32] See Alexander Sopar, Literary Evidence for early Buddhist Art in China, Ascona: Artibus Asiae, 1959: 103-114.

[33] Jacues Gernet quoted at R.M. Gimello,Op.Cit: 149.

[34] R.M. Gimello,Op.Cit: 141.

[35] Biography of Tang great jianfu temple abbot, sūtra Translator and The great monk fa-tsang (唐大薦福寺故寺主翻經大德法藏和尚傳), Hua-yen Golden Lion Treaties Commentaries, Taipei:Chung-Hua Books Bureau Press, 1983: 174.

[36] Taisho Tripi.taka T50, No.2052 Biograghy of great tz-en temple Tripi.taka Dharma Master (大慈恩寺三藏法師傳), p222a.

[37] The Chinese people have five ethnic and cultural melting periods: the Period of Warring States (春秋戰國), Southern and Northern Dynasties (魏晉南北朝), the period of Hsi-Hsia (西夏), Liao (遼), Chien(金) and Mongolia(蒙古) (the area was above the north and northeast of China, almost the same era as Sung dynasty), Yuan(元) dynasty and Ching (清) dynasty.

[38] Chiuan-Tang-Wen (全唐文) All Tang official documents, vol.96, The Official Edict of Kau-tsung, Queen Wu on the equal importance of Sa^ngha and Taoists,Chung Hua Books Bureau Press, Taipei, 1983: 990-991, The title of edict is inconsistent with its content.

[39] Biography of Tang great jianfu temple abbot, sūtra Translator and The great monk fa-tsang,Hua-yen golden lion treaties commentaries (華嚴金師子章校釋), Taipei:,Chung-Hua Books Bureau Press, 1983:175.

[40] Biography of Tang great jianfu temple abbot, sūtra Translator and The great monk fa-tsang, Hua-yen golden lion treaties commentaries, Taipei :Chung-Hua Books Bureau Press, 1983: 177.

[41] Chiuan-Tang-wen(全唐文) All Tang official documents, vol.97, p1002.

[42] Sung-kao-seng-chuan(宋高僧傳) Sung dynasty eminent monks biographies, vol.5, Chou Lo-yang capital Fo sou chi Temple, Fa-tsang Biographies(周洛京佛授記寺法藏傳), Taipei : Chung-Hua Books Bureau Press, 1983 :191.

[43] Nan-shih(南史) Southern dynasty history, (列傳第六十 ‧ 郭祖深傳) The sixth biography about Kou tzu-shen, Taipei : Chung-Hua Books Bureau Press, 1975 : 1722.

[44] Taisho Tripi.taka, T53, No.2122, Fa-yuan-ju-lin(法苑珠林) The Buddhist Encyclopedia edited in 668 A.D., vol.62, The Chapter of ritual and worship, On giving offerings to Buddha(祭祀篇,獻佛部), p750b.

[45] Tang-chang-an-hsi-ming temple, stūpa stele in(唐長安西明寺塔碑) Chiuan-Tang-wen(全唐文) vol.257, Taipei : Chung Hua Books Bureau Press, 1983:2597.

[46] Tz-chih-tung-chian(資治通鑑): vol.205, p6498, The Tang-era(唐紀), the document about Queen Wu tze-tien in the first year of wan-suei (A.D.695). Ku-chi Publications, Taipei: 1956. Tz-chih-tung-chian is a critical history book of China dated from C.403 B.C to 959 A.D. written by Ssu Ma-kuang of Sung dynasty.

[47] Tz-chih-tung-chian: vol.211, p6695, The Tang era: the document about Emperor Hsien-tsung in the second year of Kai-yuan (C.714 A.D.). Taipei: Ku-chi Publications, 1956.

[48] Chiou-Tang-shu(舊唐書), The Old Tang Book, vol.101, p3158, assorted biographies no,51(列傳第五十一), Taipei: Chung Hua Books Bureau Press, 1957.

[49] Chiou-Tang-shu, vol.101, p3159.

[50] Chiou-Tang-shu, vol.101, p3155.

[51] Wai-kam Ho,“Notes on Chinese Sculpture from Northern Ch'i to Sui, Part I,”Archives of Asian Art, 22, 1968-69: 7-55.

[52] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2061 T50, Sung-kao-seng-chuan (宋高僧傳) Sung dynasty eminent monks biographies, p.739c. Chan-jen (湛然) was the important figure who revived the T'ien-t'ai School.

[53] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2059, Kao-seng-chuan (高僧傳), Loka.sema was known as (支婁迦讖) or (支讖), he came to China, Lo-yang city in the later Han dynasty. T50, p324b.

[54] Taisho Tripi.taka No.280, Ta-sha-Ching:(兜沙經), T10, p445a.

[55] Taisho Tripi.taka No.281, Pu-sa-ben-ye-ching:(菩薩本業經) T10, p446c.

[56] Chih-chien (支謙) had learned from (Chih liang 支亮), who was the disciple of Loka.sema(支讖). Chih-chien was active in China from C.222-253 A.D. as a sūtra translator for thirty years. He was from Central Asia, the same country of Loka.sema's, the country was known as Yuei-chih(月支).

[57] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2154, T55, Biography of Tang great jianfu temple abbot, sūtra Translator and The great monk fa-tsang (唐大薦福寺故寺主翻經大德法藏和尚傳), p487b. Fa-hsien(法賢), also known as An fa-hsien (安法賢). The Chinese character before a foreigner's name (安, Ar, Arsakes) was to show where this person was from. For example, Loka.sema (Chih liang 支亮) (Chih-chien 支謙), they had the Chinese character as the initial to show that they were from (Yuei-chih 月支).

[58] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2154, T51, No.2073, Hua-yen-ching-chuan-chi(華嚴經傳記) p155c. Dharmarakśa (Fa-fu 法護): His ancestors had settled down in Dun-Huang for generations, while the original country was unknown.

[59] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2059, Kao-seng-chuan (高僧傳) vol.5, T50, p356a.

[60] Chih-Fa-ling (支法領): He was the monk of East Jin Dynasty (C.318-420 A.D.). In 392 A.D., Chih Fa-ling headed to the West to seek for more sūtras, and he brought Hua-yen sūtra, which was translated to Chinese in sixty volumes. The exact place where Chih Fa-ling was from remained unknown. He was the follower of Mt.Lu Huei-yuan (廬山慧遠).

[61] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2059, Kao-seng-chuan (高僧傳) say: Shih-di-yi-shu (十地義疏) Ten stages exegesis, written by Tao-zuang (道融), T50, p36b.

[62] Chih-seng: (智昇), The sūtras and other Buddhist documents that Chih-seng edited and collected were dated between 67 A.D. and 730 A.D; there were about five thousand volumes in amount. Taisho Tripi.taka No.2106, Ji-shen-zhou-san-bao-gan-tong-lu (集神州三寶感通錄) T52, p403a.

[63] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1856, Da-sheng-da-yi-chuang (大乘大義章): T45, p127a.

[64] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2059, Kao-seng-chuan (高僧傳), T50, p334a.

[65] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2059, Kao-seng-chuan (高僧傳), Huei-kuang (慧觀) Fa-yeh (法業), T50, p368b.

[66] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2073, Hua-yen-ching-chuan-chi (華嚴經傳記), edited by Fa-tsang, T51, p158b.

[67] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2059, T50, p340a, Kao-seng-chuan (高僧傳).

[68] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2058, T50, p297a~320c. Fu-fa-tsang-yin-yuan-chuan (付法藏因緣傳), co-authored by Kinkara (吉伽夜) Tan-yiau (曇曜).

[69] Sa-po-dou-pu-chi (薩婆多部記), written by Seng-yiou (僧祐) C.445-518 A.D., the Chinese monk of Liang State in the Southern Dynasty, of which the main text has been lost, only the outline and preface left. See Taisho Tripi.taka No.2145, T55, p75a, Chu-san-tsang-chi(出三藏記) vol.12.

[70] Hsuan-tsang (玄奘): the outstanding Buddhist scholar and sūtras translator of Tang dynasty, and he was the author of the famous book: The Buddhist records of the western world (Da-Tang-si-yu-chi). Hsuan-tsang was the teacher of Yuan-hsian (元曉), while Chih-yen the second Hua-yen patriarch was the teacher of I-hsiang (義湘).

[71] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2039, San-guo-yi-shi (三國遺事), T49, p990 a.

[72] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2039, San-guo-yi-shi (三國遺事), T49, p1006 b (圓宗文類).

[73] Shen-hsing(審祥) was from Sinlo Korea; he went to Japan and settle down there.

[74] Hsien-shou-wu-chiao-yi (賢首五教儀) six volumes, 卍 Hsiu-tsang, vol.104 p.1(卍續藏): Continuing Tripi.taka.

[75] Wu-chiao-yi-k'ai-meng-tseng-chu:(五教儀開蒙增註) five volumes, authored by Tung-li (通理) Taipei: Shien-Wen-Feng Publication, 1977.

[76] After the Central Government came to Taiwan in 1949, Chih-kuang and Nan-t'ing founded Hua-yen Lotus Society in order to preserve the tradition. Cheng-yi, as the successor to continue this Dharma career, has founded Hua-yen Buddhist College and Institute to cultivate the Sa^ngha, who will focus on the Hua-yen Studies and follow the Hua-yen teachings. In the same spirit, Ling-yuan set up Shih-fang ta-chueh Monastery, and Hua-yen Temple was built by Lung-ch'uan. While the latter disintegrated after the demise of its founder, the other has managed to keep the torch of the school high in its hand.

[77] T1884:45.684c12-13.

[78] T2035:49.292c3-293c13.

[79] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1884, Chu-Hua-yen-fa-chieh-kuan-men (註華嚴法界觀門), authored by Tsung-mi, is the notes of Hua-yen-fa-chieh-kuan-men. T45, p683b.

[80] Fa-chieh-tsung-wu-chu-lieu-chi (法界宗五祖略記), authored by Hsiu-fa (續法) of Ch'ing dynasty, Hsu- tsang-ching (續藏經) No.1507 vol.134 P271.

[81] Fa-chieh-tsung-wu-chu-lieu-chi (法界宗五祖略記), authored by Hsiu-fa (續法), Hsu-tsang-ching (續藏經) No.1507 vol.134 P271.

[82] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2016, Tsung-ching-lu (宗鏡錄) vol.6: T48, p477b.

[83] R.M. Gimello, Op.Cit: 123.

[84] R.M. Gimello, Op.Cit, 1976: 124.

[85] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1867, Hua-yen-wu-chiao-chih-kuan (華嚴五教止觀), T45, p509~514.

[86] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1884, Chu-Hua-yen-fa-chieh-kuan-men (註華嚴法界觀門), the fifth Hua-yen patriarch Tsung-mi had the notes on it, T45, p683~692.

[87] In fact, the controversy regarding as to whether Tu-shun was the author of Kuan-men or not has been the crux of all of the controversies about it. The arguments pro and con are exceedingly intricate and even the most patient consideration of them does not yield absolutely certain conclusions. However, an unbiased study would show that criticisms directed against the traditional ascription of the Kuan-men to Tu-shun prove to fall short of their goal.

[88] Chih, in Chinese it literally means to halt, to stop; in the Buddhist term, it refers to the cessation of the illusion or some other mental activities by focusing on a certain object to reach the state of concentration. Chih is near to the meaning of Śamatha in Sanskrit.

[89] Kuan, in Chinese it literally means to look at, to observe; in the Buddhist term, when the mind is seeing clearly it is called Kuan. From the concentration on a certain object with the clear mind, the wisdom will be generated. Kuan is near to the meaning of Vipaśyanā in Sanskrit.

[90] R.M. Gimello, Op.Cit, 1976: 64.

[91] Stanley Weinstein,“Imperial Patronage in the Formation of T'ang Buddhism”, in A.F. Wright and D. Twitchett (eds), Perspectives on the T'ang, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973: 272-273.

[92] T2073.

[93] This sort of trend of Buddhist biography owes its origins to the conventions of secular Chinese historiography. In such a trend the subjects of biographies were to be examples of particular virtues. See Denis C. Twitchett, Chinese Biographical Writing, in W.G. beasley and E.G. Pulleyblank (eds), Historians of China and Japan London: oxford University Press, 1961: 95-114.

[94] R.M. Gimello, Op.Cit, 1976: 68-69.

[95] The Xian (西安) Hua-yen temple today is almost located in the same area where the stūpa of Tu-shun was built in 645 A.D. of Tang dynasty. This temple was re-built several times in Ming dynasty, and named as Kai-fu temple.

[96] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2060, Hsu-kao-seng-chuan(續高僧傳) vol.25, authored by Tao-hsuan(道宣), T50, p653b.

[97] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2073, Hua-yen-ching-chuan-chi(華嚴經傳記) vol.3, edited by Fa-tsang, T51, p163b.

[98] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2073, Hua-yen-ching-chuan-chi(華嚴經傳記) vol.3. T51, p163b.

[99] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1868, Yi-seng-shih-hsuan-men(一乘十玄門), also known as Hua-yen-shih-hsuan-men, it is said that Tu-shun dictated Yi-seng-shih-hsuan-men and Chih-yen wrote it down. T45, p514~519.

[100] Taisho Tripi.taka No.670, T16, p484b. (楞伽阿跋多羅寶經) La^nkāvatāra sūtra, vol.1.

[101] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1564, T30 p33a, Chung-Lun, Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā, vol.4.

[102] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1666, T32, p575 Da-sheng-chi-hsin-lun (大乘起信論), The Awakening of faith.

[103] Taisho Tripi.taka No.278, T9, p442b, Hua-yen sūtra (大方廣佛華嚴經), vol.7.

[104] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1876, T45, p 637 Wang-chin-huan-yuan-kuan (妄盡還源觀).

[105] Taisho Tripi.taka, Hua-yen sūtra, Guang-ming-jue-pien (光明覺品) vol.5, No.278, T9, p423a.

[106] Taisho Tripi.taka, Sou-hsuan-chi (搜玄記), vol.1, authored by Chih-yen, the commentaries of Hua-yen sūtra of sixty volumes, No.1732, T35, p. 27c.

[107] Taisho Tripi.tak No.1877, Hua-yen-yu-hsi-fa-chieh-chi (華嚴遊心法界記) authored by Fa-tsang, T45, p. 641.

[108] Hsien-sou-tsung-yiau-huei-kan p650(賢首宗要彙刊), Shien wen feng Publication, Taipei: 1974.

[109] Taisho Tripi.taka, Fa-chieh-hsuan-ching (法界玄鏡), authored by the fourth Hua-yen patriarch Cheng–kuan, is the commentaries on Hua-yen-fa-chieh-kuan-men, No.1883, T45, p683~692.

[110] Three contemplations of Dharma realm are the main content of Tu-shun's Hua-yen-fa-chieh-kuan-men (華嚴法界觀門). Its original text only can be found in Chu-Hua-yen-fa-chieh-kuan-men(註華嚴法界觀門), the notes made by Tsung-mi, see Taisho Tripi.taka No.1884, T45, p683.

[111] See Fa-chieh-hsuan-ching (法界玄鏡), authored by the fourth Hua-yen patriarch Cheng–kuan, is the commentaries on Hua-yen-fa-chieh-kuan-men, Taisho Tripi.taka No.1883, T45, p683~692.

[112] R.M. Gimello, Op.Cit, 1976: iii.

[113] Chih-yen was deeply affected by his relationship with Tu-shun. This is proved by the fact that after the death of Tu-shun he used to constantly come back to the site of his master's internment to give sermons and thus to continue Tu-shun's lineage. This shows that the relationship between the two was much more than just casual. It seems to have held a very special significance for Chih-yen.

[114] It has been pointed out that this view of Hua-yen history as a patriarchal succession is a relatively late feature of the tradition. Its earlier version is the Three Patriarch Theory which was first propunded by Tsung-mi in the early ninth century in his commentary on the Kuan-men. The full-fledge Five Patriarch Theory, which adds Cheng-kuan and Tsung-mi to the list, does not appear until the thriteenth century in Chih-pan's and Fo-tsu tung-chi.

[115] R.M. Gimello, Op.Cit: 130.

[116] Fa-chieh-tsung-wu-chu-lieu-chi (法界宗五祖略記), authored by Hsiu-fa (續法) of Ch'ing dynasty, Hsu- tsang-ching (續藏經) No.1507 vol.134, p272.

[117] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1732, T35, p13~107. Sou-hsuan-chi (搜玄記), Its complete name is: Hua-yen-ching-sou-hsuan-fen-chi-tung-chih-feng-kuei (華嚴經搜玄分齊通智方軌).

[118] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2074, T51, p173~179 Hua-yen-ching-kan-ying-chuan (華嚴經感應傳): The Hua-yen sūtra thaumaturgy stories.

[119] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1736, T36, p116b Hua-yen-ching-sui-shu-yen-yi-chao (華嚴經隨疏演義鈔) Hua-yen sūtra sub-commentaries.

[120] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2054 T50, p281b Fa-tsang-chuan (法藏傳), The biography of Fa-tsang.

[121] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2073, T51, p163c Hua-yen-ching-chuan-chi (華嚴經傳記).

[122] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2074, T51, p173-179, Hua-yen-ching-kan-ying-chuan (華嚴經感應傳): The Hua-yen sūtra thaumaturgy stories.

[123] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1732, T35, Sou-hsuan-chi (搜玄記), vol.1.

[124] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1868, One vehicle ten mysterious gates, (一乘十玄門) Yi-seng-shih-hsuan-men, T45.

[125] Taisho Tripi.taka, Sou-hsuan-chi (搜玄記), Commentaries of Hua-yen sūtra of sixty volumes, No.1732, T35.

[126] Detachment from the world: Li-shih-chien-pien (離世間品) in the Hua-yen sūtra vol.53, T10, p279.

[127] The Inconceivable Quality of Buddha, fo-bu-ssu-yi-fa-pien (佛不思議法品), in the Hua-yen sūtra vol.46, T10, p242a.

[128] Taisho Tripi.taka No.278, T09, p463b Hua-yen sūtra, vol.10, Ye-mo-tian-gong-pu-sa-shui-jie-pien (夜摩天宮菩薩說偈品).

[129] Taisho Tripi.taka No.475, Wei-mo-jie-suo-shui-jing (維摩詰所說經), T14, p. 537~557.

[130] Taisho Tripi.taka No.374, T12, p365~605, Mahā-parinirvā.na sūtra (大般涅槃經), translated by Dharmarakśa (C.385~433 A.D.), who was from central India. This sūtra claims that all sentient beings are endowed with Buddha nature and icchantika can attain Buddhahood as well.

[131] Taisho Tripi.taka T9, No.278, p612, The chapter of Sāmantabhadra practice.

[132] Taisho Tripi.taka T9, No.278, p611a, The chapter of Sāmantabhadra practice.

[133] Taisho Tripi.taka T9, No.278, p473c, The chapter of Ten concentrations.

[134] Taisho Tripi.taka T9, p433a, The chapter of pure acts.

[135] Taisho Tripi.taka No.295, T10, p876 Entering the Dharma-dhātu, Da-fang-kuang-fo-Hua-yen-jing-ju-fa-chieh-pien (大方廣佛華嚴經入法界品) translated by Divākara (C.613~687 A.D.).

[136] R.M. Gimello, Op.Cit, 1976: 132.

[137] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2074, T51, p173~179, Hua-yen-ching-kan-ying-chuan (華嚴經感應傳), The Hua-yen sūtra thaumaturgy stories.

[138] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2054, T50, p284b, The Biography of fa-tsang.

[139] Commentary of the awakening of faith, Da-seng-chi-hsin-lu-yi-chi (大乘起信論義記), collected in the Taisho Tripi.taka, T44, No.1846.

[140] Hua-yen-tan-hsuan-chi (華嚴探玄記) authored by Fa-tsang, twenty volumes in total, collected in the Taisho Tripi.taka, T35, also known as tan-hsuan-chi or Hua-yen-ching-shu. It is the commentaries on Hua-yen sūtra in sixty volumes.

[141] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1866, T45 p481: (華嚴一乘教義分齊章) Hua-yen-yi-seng-chiao-yi-feng-chi-chuang.

[142] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1866, T45 p481: (華嚴一乘教義分齊章) Hua-yen-yi-seng-chiao-yi-feng-chi-chuang.

[143] The mountain's name appears in the ancient Indian mythology. Sumeru Mt is adopted by Buddhism as the center of the world, surrounded by other continents and oceans.

[144] Taisho Tripi.taka No.279, T10, p266, Hua-yen sūtra vol.50.

[145] According to Buddhism, human beings live in the Jambudvīpa, located in the south of Sumeru.

[146] Taisho Tripi.taka No.262, Miao-fa-lian-hua-jing (妙法蓮華經), T9, p94c.

[147] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1866, I-seng-chiao-yi-changu (一乘教義章), vol.1, T45 p479 c.

[148] Ibid. I-seng-chiao-yi-chang, vol.2.

[149] Fa-chieh-tsung-wu-chu-lieu-chi (法界宗五祖略記), authored by Hsiu-fa (續法) of Ch'ing dynasty, Hsu- tsang-ching (續藏經) No.1507 vol.134, p275.

[150] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1736, T.36, p0116 b Hua-yen-ching-sui-shu-yen-yi-chao (華嚴經隨疏演義鈔) Hua-yen sūtra sub-commentary, ninety volumes in total, authored by Cheng-kuan, and also known as (隨疏演義鈔) sui-shu-yen-yi-chao, (華嚴大疏鈔) Hua-yen-da-shu-chao, (演義鈔) yen-yi-chao.

[151] Fa-chieh-tsung-wu-chu-lieu-chi, (法界宗五祖略記), authored by Hsiu-fa (續法) of Ch'ing dynasty, Hsu- tsang-ching (續藏經) No.1507 vol.134, p275.

[152] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2036, T49, p0609c Fo-tsu-li-tai-tung-tsai (佛祖歷代通載) vol.14.

[153] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2037, T49, p0837b Shih-shih-chi-ku-lueh (釋氏稽古略) vol.3.

[154] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2036, T49, p0634c Fo-tsu-li-tai-tung-tsai (佛祖歷代通載) vol.16.

[155] ちゅうごくけごんしそうし, Chugoku-kegon-shisoshi-no-kenkyu (中國華嚴思想史之研究), p.157, (拓本妙覺塔記) authored by Kamata Shigeo (鎌田茂雄), Tokyo Univ. Press, 1978.10.

[156] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2061, T 50, p0737a, the biography of Cheng-kuan in the Sung-kao-seng-chuan (宋高僧傳), vol.5.

[157] Shin-yi-hua-yen-ching-luei-shu (新譯華嚴經略疏), The commentaries of newly translated Hua-yen sūtra. Fa-tsang tried to make commentaries when Siksanada finished translating Hua-yen sūtra eighty volumes. Fa-tsang only did two chapters of the commentaries, and his disciple Hui-yuan continued his job. The edition is not the complete one, in which vol. 6 and vol.7 have lost, and only thirteen volumes remained.

[158] Kan-tin-chi-chuan-shih (刊定記纂釋) The collective revised commentaries, this edition does not remain so far.

[159] Hua-yen-ching-shu (華嚴經疏) Hua-yen sūtra Commentary, sixty volumes in total, authored by Cheng-kuan, also known as shih-hua-yen-ching-shu (新華嚴經疏), Ching-liang-shu (清涼疏) Hua-yen-shu (華嚴疏), Da-shu (大疏) now is collected in Taisho Tripi.taka, T.35.

[160] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1736, T.36, Hua-yen-ching-sui-shu-yen-yi-chao (華嚴經隨疏演義鈔).

[161] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1735, T.35, Da-fang-guang-fo-hua-yen-ching-shu (大方廣佛華嚴經疏), vol.2. p0512c.

[162] Chen-yuan-hua-yen-ching-shu (貞元新譯華嚴經疏) ten volumes in total, also known as Hua-yen-ching-pu-hsien-heng-yuan-pinen-shu (華嚴經普賢行願品疏). It is the Commentaries of Hua-yen forty, authored by Cheng-kuan, and now collected in the 卍 Continuing Tripi.taka(卍續藏) vol.7.

[163] ちゅうごくけごんしそうし, Chugoku-kegon-shisoshi-no-kenkyu(中國華嚴思想史之研究), p.157, (拓本妙覺塔記) authored by Kamata Shigeo (鎌田茂雄), Tokyo Univ. Press, 1978.

[164] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1736, T.36, p0017a Da-fang-guang-fo-hua-yen-ching-sui-shu-yen-yi-chao, vol.3 (大方廣華嚴經隨疏演義鈔).

[165] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2177, T.55, p1133a Kan-tin-chi (刊定記), Hua-yen-tsung-chang-shu-bieng-yin-ming-lu, vol.1(華嚴宗章疏并因明錄).

[166] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1866, T.45, (華嚴一乘教義分齊章) Hua-yen-yi-seng-chiao-yi-feng-chi-chang, also known as Wu-chiao-chang (五教章), authored by Fa-tsang (C.643-712A.D.).

[167] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1735, T.35, p0512c, (大方廣佛華嚴經疏) Da-fang-guang-fo-hua-yen-ching-shu, vol.2.

[168] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1736, T.36, p0099 b Da-fang-guang-fo-hua-yen-ching-sui-shu-yen-yi-chao (大方廣佛華嚴經隨疏演義鈔), vol.13.

[169] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2076, T.51, p0305c, the biography of Tsung-mi as the successor of Ch'an Master Tao-yuan in Ching-de-chuan-deng-lu (景德傳燈錄) vol.13.

[170] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2076, T.51, p0305c, the biography of Tsung-mi as the successor of Ch'an Master Tao-yuan in Ching-de-chuan-deng-lu (景德傳燈錄) vol.13.

[171] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1795, T.3, p0577c: The letter that Master Cheng-kuan answered the questions of Tsung-mi, collected in the Da-fang-guang-yuan-chiue-hsiu-dou-lou-liao-yi-ching-luei-shu (大方廣圓覺修多羅了義經略疏).

[172] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2076, T.51, p0305c, the biography of Tsung-mi as the successor of Ch'an Master Tao-yuan in Ching-de-chuan-deng-lu (景德傳燈錄) vol.13.

[173] Taisho Tripi.taka No.2076, T.51, p0308a, the biography of Tsung-mi as the successor of Ch'an Master Tao-yuan in Ching-de-chuan-deng-lu (景德傳燈錄) vol.13.

[174] Chiuan-Tang-wen (全唐文) All Tang official documents, vol.743, p7692, kuei-feng-chan-shih-bei-ming-hsiu (圭峰禪師碑銘序) by Pei-shiou (斐休).

[175] Yuan-jen-lun (原人論) authored by Tsung-mi and collected in Taisho Tripi.taka T.45, p0707c.

[176] Taisho Tripi.taka No.1884, T.451, p0683b, Chu-fa-chieh-kuan-men (註法界觀門).

[177] Ch'an-yuan-chu-chuan-chi-tu-hsiu (禪源諸詮集都序), The Preface of Ch'an School origin and resource. This book included all branches of Chinese Ch'an Schools and the Ch'an verses, edited by Tsung-mi. Unfortunately, the main text was destroyed during the Wu-tzung's persecution of Buddhism (C. 841-845 A.D.) by the end of Tang era, now only the preface remained. The preface is collected in the Taisho Tripi.taka T.48.

[178] Chiou-Tang-shu (舊唐書) vol.169, no.119, The biograghy of Li hsiun, vol.177, p4398 biograghy.

[179] Chiuan-Tang-wen (全唐文) All Tang official documents, vol.743, p7693: kuei-feng-chan-shih-bei-ming-hsiu (圭峰禪師碑銘序) by Pei-shiou (斐休).

[180] Chiuan-Tang-wen (全唐文), vol.753, (杜牧 ‧ 杭州新造南亭子記) Du-mu. Heng-Chou-hsien-chau-nan-tieng-ts-chi, P7810.

[181] Ju-Tang-chu-fa-hsien-li-chi (入唐求法巡禮記) vol.3, p.152.

[182] Tz-chih-tung-chian (資治通鑑), vol.246, Tang-chi, (唐記) No.62 Tz-chih-tung-chian is a critical history book of China dated from C.403 B.C. to 959 A.D. written by Ssu Ma-kuang of Sung dynasty. P7952.

[183] Chiou-Tang-shu (舊唐書) Pien-chi (本紀), vol.18, P587.

[184] Ju-Tang-chu-fa-hsien-li-chi (入唐求法巡禮記) vol.3.

[185] Wu-tzung was the fifteenth one if counted from Kau-chu(高祖), after adding the Kuang-huang-di (光 皇帝) Ching-tai-chu(景太祖) and Yuan-shih-chu(元世祖), Wu-tzung was the eighteenth emperor of Tang.

[186] Tz-chih-tung-chian (資治通鑑), vol.248, Tang-chi, (唐記) No.64, The chapter about Wu-tzung in the fifth year of Hui-chang.

[187] Chiuan-Tang-wen (全唐文), vol.753, (杜牧 ‧ 杭州新造南亭子記) Du-mu. Heng-Chou-hsien-chau-nan-tieng-ts-chi, P7810.

[188] Tz-chih-tung-chian (資治通鑑), vol.248, Tang-chi, (唐記) No.64, The chapter about Wu-tzung in the fifth year of Hui-chang, p8015.

[189] Chiuan-Tang-wen (全唐文), vol.704, (李德裕 ‧ 請淮南等五道置遊奕船狀) The chapter of Li-der-yu p7224.

[190] Chiou-Tang-shu (舊唐書), (本紀) Pien-chi, vol.18, p615.

[191] Taisho Tripi.taka No.279, T.10, p0082a. Hua-yen sūtra, vol.16, Ascent to the peak of mount sumeru, verse, no.14.

[192] Taisho Tripi.taka No.293, T.10, p0661a. Hua-yen sūtra, Entering into the inconceivable Realm of Samantabhadra's practice and vow, (入不思議解脫境界普賢行願品).

[193] R.M. Gimello, Chih-yeh and the Foundations of Hua-yen Buddhism, A Ph.D dissertation submitted to Columbia University, 1976: 446.

[194] R.M. Gimello, Chih-yeh and the Foundations of Hua-yen Buddhism, A Ph.D dissertation submitted to Columbia University, 1976: 449.

版權頁

書名 | Development of the Hua-yen School During The Tang Dynasty（641A.D.TO 845 A.D.）
作者 | 賢度法師
日期 | 2006
版數 | 初版
出版者 | 財團法人台北市華嚴蓮社
出版地 | 台北市，台灣
電子書製作 | 法鼓文理學院 圖書資訊館 數位典藏組
電子書製作日期 | 2015-06-04